Are private schools inequitable?

Many parents choose to pay tuition to have their children educated privately, sometimes for religious reasons. However, purchasing elite private schooling or religious schooling can bring about greater inequality of opportunity, especially if tuition is out of reach for many families .

Is public school in America private?

Public schools are schools that are provided by state and federal funding. Ninety percent of the children in America attend a public school . Obviously, there are many more public schools to give education to American students than their private counterparts.

What are the negative effects of private schools?

Disadvantages of Private Schools Cost: The most obvious disadvantage of private schooling is the cost. ... Limited Diversity: Private schools can sometimes lack the diversity found in public schools. ... Pressure and Competition: Some private schools can be highly competitive, both academically and socially. More items... Jan 1, 2024

Why is there a lack of diversity in private schools?

Cost is a Major Factor While most private schools offer scholarship money, education experts say the cost of private schools is often the largest barrier to creating more racial and ethnic diversity. The average annual cost of tuition at a private K-12 school nationwide is $12,350, according to Educationdata.org.

Are kids who go to private school more successful?

One important measure is academic performance. Studies have consistently shown that students in private schools tend to perform better on tests than public school students.

Are private schools safer than public schools in USA?

Both private and public schools are committed to facilitating safe learning environments on their campuses; however, crime and violence toward students occur less than half as often in private schools , according to a study by the National Center for Education Statistics.

Does the US government fund private schools?

Private School Funding Sources Private schools receive no funding from government , so they have to get money from other sources. The primary source of funding for private schools is through tuition. Tuition is per student annually and varies extensively depending on the type of school and the quality of education.

Are private schools a form of segregation?

Most schools have only a small effect on their county's overall segregation. But as a group, private schools account for more than their share of segregation , while district schools account for slightly less than their share.

Why shouldn't schools be privatized?

School Privatization Children at every level miss out on valuable growth experiences and both individuals and communities suffer as a result. Because wealthier families utilize privatization programs at higher rates, these programs drive deeper divides within communities along socio-economic lines .

Are private schools really that much better than public schools?

Overall, receiving an education at a private school leads to a better outcome for students compared to education from a public school . Generally, private schools have more resources for students, have smaller class sizes, and focus heavily on incorporating life skills into their curriculum.

How do private schools contribute to inequality in education Quizlet?

Many private schools are expensive which keeps out low class students, causing an opportunity gap right there , and then knowing that class and race are intertwined a race opportunity gap is created.

Journal articles: '81.71 public schools, private schools'

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Relevant bibliographies by topics / 81.71 public schools, private schools / Journal articles

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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LANKO,D.A. "Das Kind Mit Dem Bade Ausschütten? U.S. Federal School Reform in Early 21ST Century." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no.2 (August27, 2018): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-2-63-81.

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Grounded in analysis of specific features of the federal school reform undertaken in the U.S. in early 21st century, this article demonstrates that the U.S. government attempted to reduce the number of students lagging behind and thus to increase students’ average performance by means of stimulating them to transfer from underperforming to better schools, including from public schools to schools of other types, which offer higher quality of teaching. The article distinguishes three stages of the reform. On the first stage, in late 20th century, new types of schools emerged in the U.S.: in addition to pre-existent public, private and religious schools, as well as home schooling, magnet schools emerged in 1970s, and charter schools emerged in 1990s. On the second stage, during George W. Bush Administration, U.S. government assumed the powers to stimulate transfer of students from underperforming public schools to charter schools, and to stimulate increase in the number of charter schools. On the third stage, during Barack Obama Administration and the first year of Donald Trump Administration, U.S. government faced the impossibility to significantly increase the number of charter schools, to stimulate mass transfer of students from public schools to charter schools, and to significantly improve average students’ performance over short time. Even if U.S. government assumes the powers to stimulate transfer of students also to private schools, as Donald Trump Administration proposed, it will hardly have a positive effect in the short run. The article concludes that the model of school reform applied in the U.S. cannot solve the puzzle, because it concentrates available resources around elite schools, while most students lagging behind concentrate around traditional public schools.

Shakeel,M. "Islamic Schooling in the Cultural West: A Systematic Review of the Issues Concerning School Choice." Religions 9, no.12 (November28, 2018): 392. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9120392.

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Increased Muslim immigration and conversion to Islam have influenced the rise of Islamic schools in western nation-states. Islamic schools are both formal and informal. This paper summarizes literature on Islamic schooling in the cultural west with respect to three policy-relevant issues: (1) the purpose and nature of Islamic schooling; (2) parental wishes; and (3) the quality of Islamic schooling. The initial search process resulted in 12,535 articles, 81 of which inform the current review. The review reveals a variation in education policy issues in which some countries fund private Islamic schools and others provide Islamic religious instruction in public schools. The review discusses potential solutions to address parental wishes and improve the quality of Islamic schooling. Based on the reviewed literature, the review suggests guidelines for future research.

Rawal,LalB., ka*wkab Mahmud, SheikhMdS.Islam, RashidulA.Mahumud, Md Nuruzaman, and SyedM.Ahmed. "Training mid-level health cadres to improve health service delivery in rural Bangladesh." Primary Health Care Research & Development 17, no.05 (March31, 2016): 503–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1463423616000104.

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IntroductionIn recent years, the government of Bangladesh has encouraged private sector involvement in producing mid-level health cadres including Medical Assistants (MAs). The number of MAs produced has increased significantly. We assessed students’ characteristics, educational services, competencies and perceived attitudes towards health service delivery in rural areas.MethodsWe used a mixed method approach using quantitative (questionnaire survey) and qualitative (key informant interviews and roundtable discussion) methods. Altogether, five public schools with 238 students and 30 private schools with 732 students were included. Statistical analyses were performed using STATA v-12. Qualitative data were analyzed thematically.FindingsThe majority of the students in both public (66%) and private medical assistant training schools (MATS) (61%) were from rural backgrounds. They spent the majority of their time in classroom learning (public 45% versus private 42%) and the written essay exam was the common form of a students’ performance assessment. Compared with students of public MATS, students of private MATS were more confident in different aspects of educational areas, including managing emerging health needs (P<0.001); evidence-based practice (P=0.002); critical thinking and problem solving (P=0.02), and use of IT/computer skills (P<0.001). Students were aware of not having adequate facilities in rural areas (public 71%, private 65%), but they perceived working in rural areas will offer several benefits, including use of learnt skills; friendly rural people; and opportunities for real-life problem solving, etc.ConclusionThis study provides a current picture of MATS students’ characteristics, educational services, competencies and perception towards working in rural areas. The MA students in both private and public sectors showed a greater level of willingness to serve in rural health facilities. The results are promising to improve health service delivery, particularly in rural and hard-to-reach areas of Bangladesh.

Rojas-Guyler, Liliana, Julie Sparks, and KeithA.King. "School Principals’ Perceptions of Students Walking and Bicycling to School." Californian Journal of Health Promotion 5, no.3 (September1, 2007): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32398/cjhp.v5i3.1250.

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Background. The purpose was to identify presence of restrictive policies, frequency of active commuting to school, beliefs of childhood health and perceived enabling and restrictive factors with regard to students walking/bicycling to school as observed by elementary and middle school principals. Methods. The study used a non-experimental quantitative survey research method. The census consisted of all public and private, elementary and middle schools in three counties in a Midwestern region (n=96). Results. A total of 71 principals completed the survey (74% response rate). Analyses indicated that the actual number of students walking/bicycling to school did not significantly differ between schools with a restrictive policy and schools with no restrictive policy. Overall, the actual number of students walking/bicycling to school was largely underestimated by principals. In addition, principals at schools with higher walking/bicycling rates were significantly more likely to report that students should consider walking/bicycling if residing within one mile, had significantly more enabling environments, and had significantly less restrictive environments.

Schaffer, Susan, and CarolynB.Yucha. "Physiological Wet Laboratory Facilities in Colleges of Nursing." Biological Research For Nursing 7, no.2 (October 2005): 130–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1099800405280937.

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The purpose of this study was to describe physiological wet laboratories as they exist within colleges of nursing with doctoral programs. Surveys were sent to the current deans and directors of all 96 nursing colleges/schools with doctoral programs as of January 2004, obtained from the American Association of Colleges of Nursing Web site. Only 26 (37%) of 71 responding schools operate their own wet laboratory, either singly or with another college. The most common analyses done are hormone levels, immune proteins, and cell counts, followed by catecholamines, chemistries, and bacterial cultures. Approximate annual costs of running wet laboratories range from $1,500 to $320,000 per school. Schools based in an academic health center were more likely to operate a wet laboratory ( 2 = .003). There were no differences based on source of university funding (public vs. private) or Carnegie classification.

Wagner, Adriana, María del Luján González Tornaría, Lisiane Alvim Saraiva Junges, and Esthella Hernandéz. "Los docentes frente a las demandas de las familias: aproximando contextos (Teachers face the demands of families: approaching contexts)." Revista Eletrônica de Educação 13, no.2 (May10, 2019): 600. http://dx.doi.org/10.14244/198271992543.

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The role of Teachers has been transformed in recent years due to the increasingly complex educational demands and responsibilities that come from the students’ families. The aim of the present study was to investigate how Elementary School Teachers in Brazil and Uruguay perceive and evaluate the demands they receive from families, and how prepared they think they are to face this reality. A qualitative, exploratory and transcultural method was used, based on the technique of Focal Groups, with one group being conducted in Brazil (10 participants) and anther one in Uruguay (9 participants). In both groups, participants were women, with experience in public and private schools. Data were treated using the Content Analysis technique and results pointed out two main themes: Academic Formation and Family Demands. The analysis showed several similarities in the relationship between family and school in daily practice - both in Brazil and Uruguay - especially regarding the Teacher’s role. It was observed that Teachers still face some challenges in set out their roles for themselves and the families. Teachers have also shown they have insufficient resources to work with the diversity of family demands and it is possible to think that they would benefit from spaces of reflection and sensitivity development, in order to better discriminate these demands. Thus, it may be said that it is necessary to inaugurate a deep discussion about what it means to form Teachers to work with families.ResumoO papel dos professores tem se transformado nos últimos anos devido às demandas e responsabilidades educacionais, cada vez mais complexas, que derivam das famílias de seus alunos. O objetivo deste estudo foi investigar como os professores de ensino fundamental do Brasil e Uruguai percebem e avaliam as demandas que recebem das famílias e o quão preparados se sentem para enfrentar essa realidade. Foi utilizado método qualitativo, exploratório e transcultural, a partir da técnica do Grupo Focal, sendo conduzido um grupo no Brasil (10 participantes) e um no Uruguai (9 participantes). Em ambos os grupos, os participantes foram mulheres, com experiência nas redes pública e privada. Os dados foram tratados a partir da técnica de Análise de Conteúdo e os resultados apontaram dois temas principais: Formação Acadêmica e Demandas das Famílias. A análise evidenciou inúmeras semelhanças na relação que a família e a escola estabelecem na prática diária - tanto no Brasil quanto no Uruguai - especialmente no que diz respeito ao papel docente. Observou-se a dificuldade dos professores em delimitar seu papel para si e para as famílias. Os professores também se mostraram com poucos recursos para trabalhar com a diversidade de demandas familiares e é possível pensar que eles se beneficiariam de espaços de reflexão e desenvolvimento de sensibilidade para poder discriminar essas demandas. Assim, pode-se dizer que é necessário inaugurar uma discussão profunda sobre o que significa formar os professores para o trabalho com as famílias.ResumenEl papel de los docentes se ha transformado en los últimos años debido a las exigencias y responsabilidades educativas cada vez más complejas que derivan de las familias de sus alumnos. El objetivo de este estudio consistió en investigar cómo docentes de educación primaria de Brasil y Uruguay perciben y evalúan las demandas que reciben de las familias y cuán preparados se sienten para enfrentar esa realidad. El diseño fue cualitativo, exploratorio y transcultural, utilizando la técnica de Grupo Focal, siendo uno brasileño (10 participantes) y uno uruguayo (9 participantes). En ambos grupos los participantes fueron mujeres, con experiencia tanto en la red pública como privada. Los datos fueron tratados con Análisis de Contenido y los resultados apuntaron a dos grandes temas: Formación Académica y Demandas de las Familias. El análisis permite comprobar innumerables semejanzas en la relación que familia y escuela establecen en la práctica cotidiana tanto en Brasil como en el Uruguay, sobre todo en lo que se refiere al rol docente. Se observa la dificultad que las docentes expresaron en cuanto a delimitar su papel frente a si mismas y frente a las familias. También las docentes se mostraron con pocos recursos para trabajar con la diversidad de las demandas familiares y es posible pensar que se beneficiarían de espacios de reflexión y desarrollo de la sensibilidad para poder discriminar tales demandas. Así, se puede decir que se necesita abrir una discusión profunda sobre lo que significa formar a los docentes para el trabajo con las familias. Keywords: Family school relationship, Preservice teachers, Cross Cultural Studies.Palavras-chave: Relação família-escola, Formação docente, Demandas familiares, Estudo transcultural.Palabras clave: Relación escuela-familia, Formación docente, Demandas familiares, Estudio transcultural.ReferencesANDRES, Sergio; GIRO, Joaquín. El papel y la representación del profesorado en la participación de las familias en la escuela. Revista Electrónica Interuniversitaria de Formación del Profesorado, Zaragoza, v.19, n.1, 61-71, 2016. URL: http://revistas.um.es/reifop/article/view/245461/189131AZPILLAGA, Verónica; INTXAUSTI, Nahia; JOARISTI, Luis Maria. Implicacion de las familias en los centros escolares de alta eficacia en la Comunidad Autónoma Vasca. Bordón: Revista de Pedagogía, Bordón, v.66, n.3, 27-38, 2014. URL: https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo?codigo=4748791BAEZA, Silvia. El imprescindible puente Familia-Escuela. Estrategias e intervenciones psicopedagógicas. Buenos Aires: Aprendizaje Hoy, 2009, 320p.BARRERA, Patricia. Los deberes escolares y tareas en casa: exploración sobre los objetivos para los que son enviados y su cumplimiento. 2008. Memorial Final de Post-graduación en Psicología Educacional (Post-graduación en Psicología) - Universidad Católica del Uruguay, Montevideo, Uruguay, 2008.BRONFENBRENNER, Urie. Strengthening family systems. En: ZIGLER, Edward F.; FRANK, Meryl. (Eds.) The parental leave crisis: toward a national policy. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998.BRONFENBRENNER, Urie; EVANS, Gary W. Developement science in the 21st. Century: Emerging questions, Theoretical Models, Research Designs and Empirical Findings. Social Development, Malden-USA, v.9, n.1, 115-125, 2000.CARVALHO, Maria Eulina P. Modos de Educação, Gênero e Relações Escola-Família. Cadernos de Pesquisa, São Paulo, v. 34, n. 121, 41-58, jan./abr. 2004. URL: http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0100-15742004000100003&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=ptCAVALCANTE, Roseli S. C. Colaboração entre pais e escola: educação abrangente. Psicologia Escolar e Educacional, Campinas, v.2, n.2, 153-160, 1998. URL: http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1413-85571998000200009&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=ptCLARKE, David; HOLLINGSWORTH, Hilary. Elaborating a model of teacher professional growth. Teaching and Teacher Education, v. 18, 947-967, 2002. URL: https://www.deepdyve.com/lp/elsevier/elaborating-a-model-of-teacher-professional-growth-7H3jboIiAhCOMELLAS, Maria Jesus. Familia y escuela: compartir la educación. Barcelona: Grao, 2009, 149p.DELGADO, Juan Manuel; GUTIÉRREZ, Juan. Métodos y técnicos cualitativos de investigación en ciencias sociales. Madrid: Editorial Síntesis, 1995, 604p.DITRANO, Christine; SILVERSTEIN, Louise B. Listening to parents’ voices: participatory action research in the schools. Professional Psychology: research and practice, Washington-USA, v. 37, n. 4, 359-366, 2006.DOWLING, Emilia; OSBORNE, Elsie. Familia y escuela. Una aproximación conjunta y sistémica a los problemas infantiles. Barcelona: Paidos, 1996, 224p.EPSTEIN, Joyce. L. School, family, and community partnerships: preparing educators and improving schools. Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University: Westview Press, 2011, 656p.ESCAYOLA, Empar. Padres y educadores: un encuentro singular. En: ALFONSO, Carmen et al. (Eds). La participación de los padres y madres en la escuela (pp.73-78.) Barcelona: Editorial Grào, 2009, 155p.FINN STEVENSON, Matia. Family, school and community partnerships: practical strategies for after schools programs. New directions for youth development, n.144, 89-103, 2014.GARCIA-BACETE, F. J. Cómo son y cómo podrían ser las relaciones entre escuelas y familias en opinion del profesorado. Cultura y Educación, v.18, n. 3-4, 247-265, 2006.GERVILLA, Ángeles. Familia y educación familiar: conceptos clave, situación actual y valores. Madrid: Narcea, 2008, 208p. GONDIM, Sonia Maria G. Grupos focais como técnica de investigação qualitativa: desafios metodológicos. Paidéia: Cadernos de Psicologia e Educação, Ribeirão Preto, v. 12, n.24, 149-161, 2003. URL: http://www.scielo.br/pdf/paideia/v12n24/04.pdf HAINES, Shana J. et al. Fostering family school and community school partnerships in inclusive schools. Using practice as a guide. Research and Practice for persons with severe disabilities, v.40, n.3, 227-239, 2015.HILL, Nancy E.; TAYLOR, Lorraine C. Parental school involvement and children’s academic achievement. Current Directions in Psychological Science, Georgia Institute of Technology, v.13, n.4, 161-164, 2004.HORNBY, Garry; LAFAELE, Rayleen. Barriers to parental involvement in education: an explanatory model. Educational Review, London, v.63, n.1, 37-52, 2011.INSTITUTO NACIONAL DE EVALUACION EDUCATIVA. Informe sobre el estado de la Educación en Uruguay 2015-2016. Montevideo: INEED 2017.KOUTROUBA, Konstantina et al. An investigation of Greek teachers’ views on parental involvement in education. School Psychology International, v.30, n.3, 311-328, 2009. URL: http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.977.7897&rep=rep1&type=pdfLONDOÑO, Laura Victoria; RAMIREZ, Luz Ángela. Construyendo relación familia-escuela: consideraciones a partir de la intervención interdisciplinaria en el Colegio Bello Oriente en Medellín, Colombia. Revista Virtual Universidad Católica del Norte, Colombia, n.36, 193-220, 2012. URL: http://revistavirtual.ucn.edu.co/index.php/RevistaUCN/article/view/375/712LÓPEZ LARROSA, S. La relación familia-escuela. Guía práctica para profesionales. Madrid: CCS, 2009.MARCELO, Carlos; VAILLANT, Denise. Desarrollo profesional docente ¿Cómo se aprende a enseñar? Madrid: Narcea, 2010, 170p.MARCONDES, Keila Hellen B.; SIGOLO, Sílvia Regina R. L. Comunicação e envolvimento: possibilidades de interconexões entre família-escola? Paidéia, Ribeirão Preto, v.22, n.51, 91-99, 2012. URL: http://www.scielo.br/pdf/paideia/v22n51/11.pdfMARTÍNEZ CERÓN, Ginés. Sombras y luces de la relación familia y escuela. En: Escudero Muñoz, Juan Manuel et al. (Eds.) Sistema educativo y democracia. Madrid: Octaedro, 2005, 168p.MORGADO, Beatriz; JIMENEZ-LAGARES, Irene; GONZÁLEZ, María del Mar. Ideas del profesorado de primaria acerca de la diversidad familiar. Cultura y Educación, Fundación Dialnet-España, v.21, n.4, 441-451, 2009.MORGAN, David L. Focus groups as qualitative research. California: Sage Publications, 1997, 88p.OLABUÉNAGA, José Ignácio R. Metodologia de la investigación cualitativa. Bilbao: Universidad de Deusto, 2012, 344p.OLIVEIRA, Dalila Andrade A. Reestruturação do trabalho docente: precarização e flexibilização. Educação e Sociedade, Campinas, v.25, n.89, 1127-1144, 2004. URL: http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0101-73302004000400003&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=ptOLIVEIRA, Cynthia B. E.; MARINHO ARAÚJO, Claisy M. A relação família-escola: intersecções e desafios. Estudos de Psicologia, Campinas, v.27, n.1,99-108, 2010. URL: http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0103-166X2010000100012&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=ptPAULA, Andréia Cristina R. R.; NAVES, Marisa L. de P. O estresse e o bem-estar docente. Revista Educação Profissional, Rio de Janeiro, v.36, n.1, 61-71, 2010.PERERA, Héctor; BERTONI, Elba; CONTERA, Cristina. Modelos de formación docente en Uruguay. Estudios de três casos. Educação, Porto Alegre, v.57, n.3, 461-486, 2005. URL: http://revistaseletronicas.pucrs.br/ojs/index.php/faced/article/view/427/323PERRENOUD, Philippe. Diez nuevas competencias para enseñar. España: Grao, 2004, 168p.PERRENOUD, Philippe. La formación del profesorado: un compromiso entre visiones inconciliables de la coherencia. Revista Interuniversitaria de Formación del Profesorado, Espanha, v.68, n.24/2, 103-122, 2010. URL: http://aufop.com/aufop/uploaded_files/articulos/1279237044.pdfPETRICONE CHIARILLI, Francesco. La familia de origen del docente: estilo educativo y aspectos relacionados con su ejercicio profesional. En.: RÍOS GONZÁLEZ, Jose Antonio. (Ed.) Personalidad, madurez humana y contexto familiar. Madrid: CCS, 2009, 1114p.POLONIA, Ana da C.; DESSEN, Maria Auxiliadora. Em busca de uma compreensão das Relações entre família e escola. Psicologia Escolar e Educacional, Maringá, v.9, n.2, 303- 312, 2005. URL: http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1413-85572005000200012&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=ptRÍOS GONZÁLEZ, Jose Antonio. La educación como contexto interactivo: el encuentro familia-centro educativo. En: RÍOS GONZÁLEZ, Jose Antonio. (Ed.) Personalidad, madurez humana y contexto familiar. Madrid: CCS, 2009, 1114p.RIVAS, Sonia; UGARTE, Carolina. Formación docente y cultura participativa del centro educativo: claves para favorecer la participación familia-escuela. Estudios sobre educación, Navarra, v.27, 153-168, 2014. URL: https://www.unav.edu/publicaciones/revistas/index.php/estudios-sobre-educacion/article/view/490/357RIVERA, Maritza; MILICIC, Neva. Alianza Familia-Escuela: percepciones, creencias, expectativas y aspiraciones de padres y profesores de enseñanza general básica. Psykhe, Santiago, v.15, n.1, 119-135, 2006. URL: http://www.scielo.cl/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0718-22282006000100010SANTOS, Miguel; GODAS, Augustín; LORENZO, Mar. ¿Puede la implicación de los padres mejorar el estudio de sus hijos en la escuela? La evidencia de un programa pedagógico. Estudios sobre educación, Navarra, v.30, 9-30, 2016. URL: http://www.unav.edu/publicaciones/revistas/index.php/estudios-sobre-educacion/article/view/4800/4126SARAIVA, Lisiane A.; WAGNER, Adriana. A relação Família-Escola sob a ótica de professores e pais de crianças que frequentam o Ensino Fundamental. Ensaio: avaliação e políticas públicas em Educação, Rio de Janeiro, v.21, n.81, 739-772, 2013. URL: http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0104-40362013000400006&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=pt SIMPLÍCIO, Sandra D.; ANDRADE, Márcia S. Compreendendo a questão da saúde dos professores da rede pública municipal de São Paulo. Psico, Porto Alegre, v.42, n.2, 159-167, 2011. URL: http://revistaseletronicas.pucrs.br/ojs/index.php/revistapsico/article/view/7566/6517 VÁZQUEZ HUERTAS, C.; LÓPEZ-LARROSA, S. Creencias sobre la relación familia-escuela. Cambios en el futuro profesorado tras recibir formación específica. Revista de Estudios e Investigación en Psicología y Educación, v.1, n.2, 111-121, 2014.VILA, Ignasi. Familia y escuela: dos contextos y un solo niño. En: ALFONSO, Carmen C. et al. (Eds.). La participación de los padres y madres en la escuela. Barcelona: Editorial Grào, 2003, 155p. WAGNER, Adriana; TRONCO, Cristina; ARMANI, Ananda B. Introdução – Os Desafios da Família Contemporânea: Revisitando Conceitos. En.: Wagner, Adriana e cols. (Eds.) Desafios Psicossociais da Família Contemporânea: pesquisas e reflexões. Porto Alegre: Artmed, 2011, 208p.

Edoror,FaithI., ElizabethO.Oloruntoba, and ShadeJ.Akinsete. "Knowledge and perception of the role of water, sanitation and hygiene in containment of Ebola virus disease among secondary school students in Ibadan, Nigeria." Journal of Water, Sanitation and Hygiene for Development 9, no.4 (July29, 2019): 635–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/washdev.2019.132.

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Abstract This study assessed the knowledge and perception of the role of water supply, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) in the containment of Ebola virus disease (EVD) among secondary school students in Ibadan, Nigeria. A cross-sectional study of 420 students from eight schools (public and private) in Ibadan was conducted. A semi-structured questionnaire and an observational checklist were used to collect data. Data were analysed using descriptive statistics, Chi-square test and logistic regression at 5% level of significance. Overall, 60% reported EVD was airborne. A majority (71%) of the respondents had good knowledge of EVD, while a majority (92%) had a good perception of the role of WASH in EVD containment. Class of respondents was significantly (p = 0.045) associated with knowledge of WASH. Although schools had satisfactory sanitary facilities, only a few (21%) sustained good hygiene practices at the end of the Ebola outbreak in Nigeria. Our findings revealed suboptimal knowledge on transmission of EVD, and unsustainable hygiene practices among secondary students post-Nigeria's EVD outbreak. High priority should be given to hygiene education among educators and students. Implementation of monitoring and evaluation of hygiene behaviour among secondary school students should also be a priority.

Girma, Shimelis, Mekonnen Tsehay, Almaz Mamaru, and Mubarek Abera. "Depression and its determinants among adolescents in Jimma town, Southwest Ethiopia." PLOS ONE 16, no.5 (May3, 2021): e0250927. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0250927.

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Objectives To determine the prevalence and socio-demographic and parental-related factors of depression among school adolescents in Jimma town, southwest Ethiopia. Methods Using a cross-sectional survey, 546 school adolescents were screened for depression using the patient health questionnaire (PHQ-9) from five randomly selected public and private schools. Oslo social support scale, adverse childhood experience tool, and socio-demographic questionnaire were used to gather data on risk factors. Linear regression analysis was used, and unstandardized beta (β) coefficients with 95% confidence intervals (CI) were reported to declare statistical significance. Results A total of 546 adolescents participated in the study, with a response rate of 97.3%. The mean (±SD) age of participants was 16.8 ± 1.3 years. The majority (81%) of the adolescents were attending day classes at public schools. The prevalence of depression was found to be 28% using the patient health questionnaire. Based on the PHQ-9 depression severity scale, 18.5% and 8.2% of the adolescent had moderate and moderate to severe depression while 1.3% had severe depression. In the final multivariate linear regression analysis, it was found that sex, rural residence, low social support, being in higher grade level, and adverse childhood experience were found to be independently associated with a higher score of depression. Conclusion One in three adolescents was found to have a depressive syndrome. We recommend schools to integrate school mental health service that contains routine screening and intervention services. Moreover, efforts are needed to sensitize and educate the communities on child protection, social support, and safeguarding to effectively tackle the magnitude of adolescent depression.

Baer, Hans. "Commentary the Corporate University is not an Ivory Tower: Possibilities for Ensuring a Critical Space for Anthropologists." Practicing Anthropology 23, no.3 (July1, 2001): 50–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.23.3.d38j2562410538q6.

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U.S. universities, as well as universities in other advanced capitalist countries, have increasingly come to function as resource bases for corporations, in part as a response to funding cutbacks by state and federal governments and corporate-based foundations. According to Robert Ovetz in "Assailing the Ivory Tower: Student Struggles and the Entrepreneurialization of the University," (Our Generation 24(1):71-95. 1993), "[u]niversities have not simply tightened and transformed their partnerships with business, but have become business themselves through various forms of profit making ventures based on university resources, faculty, and a pool of cheap and unpaid student labour" (p. 71). Universities often buy and sell their stocks on the market to maximize their operating expenses. Furthermore, they are often directly or indirectly involved in business ventures that developed out of campus research activities. Sociologist Stanley Aronowitz notes in The Knowledge Factory: Dismantling the Corporate University and Creating True Higher Learning (Boston: Beacon Press. 2000) that "[b]y the mid-1990s, the corporate university had become the standard for nearly all private and public schools" (p. 83).

Figueroa, Jenifer Tatiana, Sorany Vera, Luz Helena Aranzález, and Ismena Mockus. "Nutritional condition and IGF-1 and IGFBP-2 serum concentrations in students aged 7 to 9 attending two educational institutions." Revista de la Facultad de Medicina 64, no.3 (July1, 2016): 439. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/revfacmed.v64n3.54454.

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Introduction: Nutritional vulnerability is more evident during childhood, since malnutrition has an impact on academic performance and is linked to different diseases during this period. Likewise, an increase in the incidence and prevalence of obesity in children has been observed, therefore, researches that assess nutritional conditions of children attending schools may have high-impact results in terms of public health.Objective: To relate children’s nutritional condition by using anthropometry, with serum concentrations of insulin-like growth factor 1 (IGF-1) and its binding protein 2 (IGFBP-2).Materials and methods: A cross-sectional observational and comparative study was performed in children aged 7 to 9 attending two schools, one from the public sector and the other from the private sector. An anthropometric assessment was performed in 157 children, while IGF-1 and IGFBP (enzyme immunoassay) serum concentrations were measured in 81 children. Pearson’s coefficient, analysis of variance (ANOVA), Dunnet’s test and Games Howell’s test, with a 95% confidence interval and a p<0.05 statistical significance, were considered for performing the statistical analysis.Results: Overweight and obesity were found in 46 subjects; the prevalence of obesity was higher in boys, while overweight prevalence was higher in girls. A direct relation between IGF-1 and height (p<0,05) was observed, while an inverse relation between IGFBP-2 and BMI (p<0,001) was found.Conclusions: IGF-1 serum concentrations were higher in students attending the public school.

Gautam, AP, BH Paudel, CS Agrawal, SR Naraula, and J.VanDalen. "Examination of Relationships of Scores Obtained in Grades 10 and 12 with the Entry and Success in Undergraduate Medical Education." Kathmandu University Medical Journal 10, no.1 (October2, 2012): 57–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/kumj.v10i1.6918.

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Background Entrance examination (admission test) is the most important and widely accepted method of student selection for admission into medical schools in Nepal. For many schools it is the only criterion of student selection. Objectives To examine relationships of scores obtained in schooling (grade 10 and 12), medical entrance and MBBS professional examinations in a cohort to identify predictive strength for entry into medical school and success in medical education. Methods Exam scores from grade 10 to medical entrance and professional exams of undergraduate medical education of a total of 118 medical students who entered medical school between 1994 and 1998 only through the merit of open competitive medical entrance examination at the BP Koirala Institute of Health Sciences (BPKIHS) were assessed. Results Student selection for admission in MBBS course at BPKIHS and their subsequent success were not determined by difference in outcomes of public & private management of schools at grade 10 (selection p= 0.80 & success p= 0.32 ) and grade 12 (selection p= 0.59 & success p= 0.55). Grade 12 averaged scores had no relationship in getting these students selected for admission into medical course (r= 0.08, p= 0.37), but did show correlation with the overall success in medical education (r= 0.32, p= 0.00). Scores in physics at grade 12 retained predictive strength in success in medical education (r= 0.19, p= 0.04). Conclusion The present student selection criteria for medical education are not appropriate and need to incorporate other attributes of candidates along with cognitive aspects. KATHMANDU UNIVERSITY MEDICAL JOURNAL VOL.10 | NO. 1 | ISSUE 37 | JAN - MAR 2012 | 66-71 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/kumj.v10i1.6918

Santiago Santos, Gilvan Junior, Gleucilene Martins da Silva, and Wellington Danilo Soares. "O olhar sistêmico em adolescentes com depressão." Bionorte 10, no.1 (April13, 2021): 111–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.47822/2526-6349.2021v10n1p111.

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Objective: to identify the prevalence of depression and family support amongadolescents in the city of Montes Claros -MG. Materials and methods: this is a descriptive research with a quantitative and cross-sectionalapproach. The study included 71 adolescents, both sexes, students from a public state school and a private school. For data collection, a sociodemographic questionnaire was used, thenBeck's Depression Inventory and APGAR Questionnaire for family support assessmentwere applied. A descriptive analysis of the data was performed with real and absolute frequency values, in addition to the Mann-Whitney U test. Results: most of those evaluatedadolescents(75%) did not presentdepression levels (75%) and there was a high presence (65.3%) of family support;there was no statistically significant difference when comparing the variables surveyed betweensexes and schools. Conclusion: at the end,it was possible to infer that there seems to be a positive relationship between greater family support and lower levels or risk of depression.

Publico, Marco Reyes. "Assessing the Mental Health Literacy of Secondary School Educators." International Journal of Childhood Education 1, no.1 (December30, 2020): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/ijce.v1i1.11.

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Mental health remains to be one of the most pressing concerns across the world, and teachers play an influential role in the lives and learning of students struggling with mental health. Unfortunately, teachers have expressed concerns of feeling overwhelmed and unprepared to handle the mental health needs of their students because of the lack of knowledge, skills, competence, and resources. This research was conducted to provide a systematic appraisal of the mental health literacy among secondary school teachers. Utilizing the Education-modified Mental Health Literacy Scale which was adapted by Kenney from the work of O’Connor, eighty-one (81) teachers from public and private secondary schools were surveyed in six domains, to include: disorder recognition scale, risk factor knowledge scale, self-treatment knowledge scale, available professional help scale, information seeking knowledge scale, and attitudes scale. It was found that overall, the participants manifested a high level of mental health literacy, and are most adept at the attitudes scale. Conversely, it was found that teachers need more knowledge and training in the risk-factor knowledge scale. No statistically significant difference was found in the mental health scale scores when compared between schools and grade level. The researcher recommends using the results of the current study as a springboard for crafting a professional development program that focuses on increasing the literacy of teachers about mental health.

Kallciu, Nada, Kozeta Noti, and Xhuliana Borufi. "Consequences of Bullying in Schools: The Viewpoint of School Directors. Suggestions for Mitigating the Phenomenon - A Case Study of the District of Tirana." Journal of Educational and Social Research 10, no.5 (September23, 2020): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/jesr-2020-0094.

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One of the most important institutions which affects the development and education of individuals in society is the school. The territory of schools needs to be safe from any form of violence, including bullying. Bullying in itself is a phenomenon that is defined as a behavior which occurs when an individual or a certain group of individuals, taking advantage of their power or authority, seek to impose, persecute, abuse, or intimidate the weaker ones repeatedly (Dema, 2007). Given that various studies consider bullying to be quite widespread (Haka & Pervizi, 2007 and Boyle, 2003), central and local institutions in Albania but also school leaders, are committed to prevent and fight this phenomenon. The main purpose of this study is to identify the most typical cases and to give suggestions on how to cope with and avoid bullying at school. The selected research method is the qualitative one, using data triangulation, such as literature review, interviews with the directors and focus groups with schools in Tirana district which has about 40 percent of the population at the national level, with a total of 997,380 inhabitants (General Directorate of Status Civil, Ministry of Interior, March 2011). In this study, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 21 directors from 81 schools in the region of Tirana, including public and private schools, as well as a focus group with 5 directors and 5 security officers from schools with the highest number of students in the district of Tirana. The results of the study show that bullying is widespread in 80 percent of schools and the most present form of bullying is verbal and social, but the physical and cyber forms cannot be neglected. Bullying occurs in the form of student to student in 87 percent of cases, student to teacher in 47 percent of cases and teacher to student in 33 percent of cases. One of the most frequent variables of bullying is the educational level of parents with 33 percent and the family economic situation which accounts for 40 percent. The given results were generated from the analysis of data where 6 of the respondents answered that the family and its economic situation are both considered as determining factor in the emergence of bullying. How can such a phenomenon be prevented? The given study suggests: teachers training should be conducted, open hours with students, parents should be involved in these issues as part of the solution, building a close partnership with the school, meetings and awareness campaigns should be carried out between teachers, parents and students, also including other actors such as the psychologist and the security officer of the school.

Nelson,LauriH., Bridget Poole, and Karen Muñoz. "Preschool Teachers' Perception and Use of Hearing Assistive Technology in Educational Settings." Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 44, no.3 (July 2013): 239–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/0161-1461(2013/12-0038).

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Purpose This study explored how often sound-field amplification and personal frequency-modulated (FM) systems are used in preschool classrooms, teacher perceptions of advantages and disadvantages of using hearing assistive technology, and teacher recommendations for hearing assistive technology use. Method The study used a cross-sectional survey design. Participants were professionals who provided services to preschool-age children who are deaf or hard of hearing in public or private schools. A total of 306 surveys were sent to 162 deaf education programs throughout the United States; 99 surveys were returned (32%). Simple statistics were used to describe the quantitative survey results; content analysis was completed on open-ended survey comments. Results Surveys were received from teachers working at listening and spoken language preschool programs (65%) and at bilingual–bicultural and total communication preschool programs (35%). Most respondents perceived that hearing assistive technology improved students' academic performance, speech and language development, behavior, and attention in the classroom. The majority of respondents also reported that they definitely would or probably would recommend a sound-field system (77%) or personal FM system (71%) to other educators. Conclusion Hearing assistive technology is frequently used in preschool classrooms of children who are deaf or hard of hearing, with generally positive teacher perceptions of the benefits of using such technology.

Tsehay, Mekonnen, Mogesie Necho, Asmare Belete, and Zelalem Belayneh. "Socio-Demographic and Environmental Determinants of Adverse Childhood Experience among School-Going Adolescents in Jimma town, Jimma, Southwest Ethiopia." Open Psychology Journal 14, no.1 (April16, 2021): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1874350102114010062.

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Introduction: Adverse childhood experience in adolescents is a global public health concern. Several risk factors have been identified so far across different parts of the world. However, there is a paucity of data in Ethiopia. Objective: To determine the prevalence and associated factors of Adverse Childhood Experience among school-going adolescents retrospectively. Methods: A cross-sectional school-based study was employed. Participants were selected using a multistage sampling technique. Adverse Childhood Experience Questionnaire Scale for childhood maltreatment. Multiple linear regressions were used to determine the association between Adverse Childhood Experience & associated factors. Results: A total of 546 adolescents participated in the study with a response rate of 86%. The mean (±SD) age of participants was 16.83 ± 1.26 years. The majority (442 (81%)) were studying in public schools and 104 (19%) in private schools. Results show that 51.1% reported at least one, and respondents most often faced two ACEs (29.4%), and as many as 10.4% reported at least four or more ACEs. According to the three categories of adverse childhood experience (ACE), from 329 female adolescents, 144(43.8%) had been abused physically, verbally, or sexually, 65(17.8%) had been neglected, and 169(51.1%) had been household dysfunctional. And also, from 217 male adolescents, 93(42.9%) had been abused physically, verbally, or sexually, 49(22%) had neglected, and 117(53.9%) had household dysfunction. Gender, social support, residence, educational status of parent, and having one or more chronic medical, mental, or neurological disorders were significantly associated with Adverse Childhood Experiences. Conclusion: Results of the study show that there was a significant prevalence of Adverse Childhood Experiences. Adverse Childhood Experiences have a tremendous impact on future health, well-being, and opportunity. Reduction and prevention of Adverse Childhood Experiences are mandatory for all children to reach their full potential. Those who are already exposed to Adverse Childhood Experiences also need social support, help them manage their experiences, and lead meaningful lives.

Kun,KarenE., John Zimmerman, DaleA.Rose, and Stephanie Rubel. "State, Territorial, and Local Health Departments’ Reporting of Partnership Strength Before and After the H1N1 Response." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 28, no.6 (November7, 2013): 580–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x13009011.

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AbstractIntroductionResearch has shown that partnerships between public health agencies, service providers, and other key stakeholders can expand resources and facilitate focus on community health issues more effectively than can any agency or organization acting alone. There is, however, little empirical evidence drawn from actual public health emergency responses to support this claim. The US response to novel influenza A (H1N1) virus provided the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) the opportunity to explore whether, and the extent to which, state, local and territorial health departments strengthened partnerships with key partner agencies and sectors.MethodsParticipants included the CDC Public Health Emergency Response (PHER) grantees comprised of 62 state, territorial and local health departments. PHER grantees completed an assessment instrument in May 2011, including questions asking them to rate their partnership strength (on a four-point ordinal scale) with six types of partners before and after the H1N1 response. Grantees additionally reported if and how PHER funding contributed to enhancing the strength of these partnerships.ResultsSixty-one PHER grantees (61/62, 98%) completed the assessment instrument's partnerships section. PHER grantees reported that their partnerships with retail pharmacies were most strengthened (mean increase = 1.11 (on a four-point ordinal scale), SD = .82). This was followed by schools (K-12) (mean increase = .90, SD = .58); private medical providers (mean increase = .81, SD = .68); immunization authorities (mean increase = .80, SD = .61); main education authorities (mean increase = .75, SD = .68); and businesses (mean increase = .74, SD = .61). Mean PHER grantee increases in the strength of each partner type were statistically significant for all partner types (P < .01). Grantees reported that PHER funding contributed to enhancing the strength of their partnerships with schools most frequently (46/46, 100%), and businesses least frequently (31/37, 83.8%).ConclusionsThis inquiry provides evidence that state, territorial, and local health department partnerships with key sectors, agencies, and programs were strengthened after the H1N1 response. It further demonstrates that the CDC's PHER funding contributed to the health departments’ reports of increased partnership strength.KunK, ZimmermanJ, RoseD, RubelS. State, territorial, and local health departments’ reporting of partnership strength before and after the H1N1 response. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2013;28(6):1-6.

Sulistiyono, Noor, Febriansyah ., Sri Kelana, and Muhammad Ilham Ghifari. "Pavement Planning on Jalan Pendidikan in Palembang City." International Journal of Innovative Science and Research Technology 5, no.7 (August8, 2020): 1092–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.38124/ijisrt20jul687.

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Pavement as a pedestrian network is also an important element in the image of the city, along the road in the urban area all elements and attributes of the city are arranged, arranged and interconnected. People will observe and shape the imagination of the city area by moving through the streets (Kevin Lynch; 1962. Jalan Pendidikan is one of the roads in the Jakabaring District of Palembang City. This road is one of the areas in Palembang which is the center of education in Palembang. The length of this road is ± 1 km where there are many good schools ranging from kindergarten, elementary school, junior high school / MAN on this road section, including MAN 1 Palembang City, Palembang 19 Public High School, Palembang Junior High School and Sports High School, and 81 City Primary School Palembang. As long as this road has no pedestrian facilities, at the time of going and going to school this road is always crowded with pedestrians who want to go to school but still mixed with private vehicles so that it can cause congestion and conditions that are dangerous for pedestrians. From the results of the analysis obtained the highest volume of pedestrians that occurs on Monday at 06:00 WIB to 07.00 WIB with a number of 484 people. The highest pedestrians are from school children who go to school on foot.The width of the pavement plan is 2.42 meters, for safety the sidewalk must have a height higher than the road. For the type of sidewalk that is suitable that is the sidewalk on Rumija which is quite wide by adding a type of sidewalk that has a public transport stop

Celik,DanielH., FrancisR.Mencl, Michel Debacker, Lisa Kurland, ScottT.Wilber, and JenniferA.Frey. "Triage Performance of School Personnel Using the SALT System." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 34, no.04 (August 2019): 401–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x1900462x.

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AbstractIntroduction:The aim of this study was to determine if school personnel can understand and apply the Sort, Assess, Life-saving interventions, Treat/Transport (SALT) triage methods after a brief training. The investigators predicted that subjects can learn to triage with accuracy similar to that of medically trained personnel, and that subjects can pass an objective-structured clinical exam (OSCE) evaluating hemorrhage control.Methods:School personnel were eligible to participate in this prospective observational study. Investigators recorded subject demographic information and prior medical experience. Participants received a 30-minute lecture on SALT triage and a brief lecture and demonstration of hemorrhage control and tourniquet application. A test with brief descriptions of mass-casualty victims was administered immediately after training. Participants independently categorized the victims as dead, expectant, immediate, delayed, or minimal. They also completed an OSCE to evaluate hemorrhage control and tourniquet application using a mannequin arm.Results:Subjects from two schools completed the study. Fifty-nine were from a private school that enrolls early childhood through grade eight, and 45 from a public school that enrolls grades seven and eight (n = 104). The average subject age was 45 years and 68% were female. Approximately 81% were teachers and 87% had prior cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) training. Overall triage accuracy was 79.2% (SD = 10.7%). Ninety-six (92.3%) of the subjects passed the hemorrhage control OSCE.Conclusions:After two brief lectures and a short demonstration, school personnel were able to triage descriptions of mass-casualty victims with an overall accuracy similar to medically trained personnel, and most were able to apply a tourniquet correctly. Opportunities for future study include integrating high-fidelity simulation and mock disasters, evaluating for knowledge retention, and exploring the study population’s baseline knowledge of medical care, among others.

Nelson,R.Darrell, William Bozeman, Greg Collins, Brian Booe, Todd Baker, and Roy Alson. "Mobile Versus Fixed Deployment of Automated External Defibrillators in Rural EMS." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 30, no.2 (February27, 2015): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x1500014x.

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AbstractIntroductionThere is no consensus on where automated external defibrillators (AEDs) should be placed in rural communities to maximize impact on survival from cardiac arrest. In the community of Stokes County, North Carolina (USA) the Emergency Medical Services (EMS) system promotes cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) public education and AED use with public access defibrillators (PADs) placed mainly in public schools, churches, and government buildings.Hypothesis/ProblemThis study tested the utilization of AEDs assigned to first responders (FRs) in their private-owned-vehicle (POV) compared to AEDs in fixed locations.MethodsThe authors performed a prospective, observational study measuring utilization of AEDs carried by FRs in their POV compared to utilization of AEDs in fixed locations. Automated external defibrillator utilization is activation with pads placed on the patient and analysis of heart rhythm to determine if shock/no-shock is indicated. The Institutional Review Board of Wake Forest University Baptist Health System approved the study and written informed consent was waived. The study began on December 01, 2012 at midnight and ended on December 01, 2013 at midnight.ResultsDuring the 12-month study period, 81 community AEDs were in place, 66 in fixed locations and 15 assigned to FRs in their POVs. No utilizations of the 66 fixed location AEDs were reported (0.0 utilizations/AED/year) while 19 utilizations occurred in the FR POV AED study group (1.27 utilizations/AED/year; P<.0001). Odds ratio of using a FR POV located AED was 172 times more likely than using a community fixed-location AED in this rural community.DiscussionPlacing AEDs in a rural community poses many challenges for optimal utilization in terms of cardiac arrest occurrences. Few studies exist to direct rural community efforts in placing AEDs where they can be most effective, and it has been postulated that placing them directly with FRs may be advantageous.ConclusionsIn this rural community, the authors found that placing AED devices with FRs in their POVs resulted in a statistically significant increase in utilizations over AED fixed locations.NelsonRD, BozemanW, CollinsG, BooeB, BakerT, AlsonR. Mobile versus fixed deployment of automated external defibrillators in rural EMS. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2015;30(2):1-3.

Centeno Pérez, Vinnett Esther. "Calidad de la gestión administrativa del director y compromiso laboral de los docentes de algunos colegios privados salvadoreños." RIEE | Revista Internacional de Estudios en Educación 19, no.1 (January28, 2019): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37354/riee.2019.188.

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Mediante un estudio descriptivo y correlacional, se analizó la relación entre la percepción de la calidad de la gestión administrativa del director y el grado de compromiso laboral de los docentes de algunos colegios privados de El Salvador, en un contexto donde cada año los docentes renuncian a sus trabajos y pasan a laborar al sector gubernamental. Se administraron dos instrumentos, uno para medir la percepción de la gestión administrativa del director y otro para medir el grado de compromiso de los docentes, a 87 docentes de los siete colegios de las regiones metropolitana y occidental de El Salvador. Se encontró que los docentes tienen un compromiso laboral muy bueno. De igual manera, la percepción que tienen los docentes de la gestión administrativa del director es muy buena. Al observarse la correlación entre ambas variables, se determinó que es positiva y alta. Se observó que cuánto mejor perciben los docentes la gestión administrativa del director mayor es el compromiso con su trabajo. El liderazgo del director es importante para el compromiso laboral de los docentes, por lo cual su selección y nombramiento deben ser realizados con cuidadoso análisis. Referencias Alam, S. (2017). A study on leadership styles executed by principal and academic coordinator in one of the private schools in Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan. Academic Research International, 8(3), 71-78. Calik, T., Sezgin, F., Kavgaci, H. y Kilinc, A. (2012). Examination of relationships between instructional leadership of school principal’s and self-efficacy of teacher and collective teacher efficacy. Educational Sciences: Theory & Practice, 12(4), 2469-2504. Chiang Vega, M., Núñez Partido, A., Martín, M. J. y Salazar Botello, M. (2010). Compromiso del trabajador hacia su organización y la relación con el clima organizacional: un análisis de género y edad. 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Universidad de Montemorelos, Montemorelos, Nuevo León, México. Jiang, D. Y. y Cheng, B. S. (2008). Affect- and role-based loyalty to supervisors in Chinese organizations. Asian Journal of Social Psychology, 11, 214-221. https//doi.org/10.111/ j.14-67-839X.2008.00260.x Kumar, D. N. S. y Shekhar, N. (2012). Perspectives envisaging employee loyalty: A case analysis. Journal of Management Research, 12(2), 110-112. https://doi.org/10.2139/ ssrn.1961430 Lai, T., Luen, W., Chai, L. y Ling, L. (2014). School principal leadership styles and teacher organizational commitment among performing schools. The Journal of Global Business Management, 20(2), 67-75. Mack, K. (2016). The perceptions of the leadership behaviors of elementary school principals through professional experience in Texas (Tesis doctoral). University of Phoenix, Phoenix, EE. UU. Méndez Cruz, A. (2015). Clima y compromiso organizacional percibido por los empleados del parque Eco arqueológico en México (Tesis de maestría). Universidad de Montemorelos, Montemorelos, Nuevo León, México. Mustapha, N., Zainal Abidin, M. Z. y Saufi, S. (2013). Measuring the influence of dispositional characteristics and motivational factors on employee loyalty among teachers at private Islamic schools in Kelantan, Malaysia. International Review of Social Sciences & Humanities, 5(2), 127-134. Oberholster, F. R., Taylor V, J. W. y Cruise, R. J. (2000). Spiritual well-being, faith maturity, and the organizational commitment of faculty in Christian colleges and universities. The Journal of Research on Christian Education, 9(1), 31-60. https://doi.org/ 10.1080/10656210009484896 Okutan, M. (2014). My school principal is not a leader. Education, 135(1), 93-100. Ontiveros Ramírez, F. (2016). Modelo de asociación entre factores predictores del desempeño y compromiso laboral validado en maestros del corporativo educativo adventista de la Unión Mexicana del Norte (Tesis doctoral). Universidad de Montemorelos, Montemorelos, Nuevo León, México. Restrepo-Abondano, J. M. y Restrepo-Torres, M. L. (2012). Cinco desafíos en el ejercicio del liderazgo en los rectores de colegios. Educación y Educadores, 15(1), 117-119. Saad, N. (2012). The effects of teacher’s participation in decision making of commitment. The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences, 6(9), 1-16. Samkange, W. (2013). Management and administration in education: What do school heads do? A focus of primary school heads in one district in Zimbabwe. International Journal of Social Sciences and Education, 3(3), 635-643. Shaw, J. y Newton J. (2014). Teacher retention and satisfaction with a servant leader as principal. Education, 135(1), 101-106. Wachira, F. M., Gitumu, M. y Mbugua, Z. (2017). Effect of principal´s leadership styles on teachers´ job performance in public secondary schools in Kieni West Subcounty. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention, 6(8), 72-86. 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Wilson, Virginia. "Female Public Library Patrons Value the Library for Services, Programs, and Technology." Evidence Based Library and Information Practice 4, no.1 (March8, 2009): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18438/b8dp58.

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A Review of: Fidishun, Dolores. “Women and the Public Library: Using Technology, Using the Library.” Library Trends 56.2 (2007): 328-43. Objective – This study attempts to give insight into why and how women use the public library and information technology, and how they learned to use the technology. Design – Qualitative survey. Setting – The research took place at the Chester County Library in Exton, Pennsylvania, USA. Subjects – One hundred and eighty-four female library patrons 18 years and older. Methods – An anonymous qualitative survey was handed out to all patrons at the Chester County Library 18 years of age and older who came into the library on four separate days and times. Times were chosen to obtain a good representation of library patrons, and included daytime, evening, and weekend hours. The survey consisted of questions about library use, information sought, information seeking behaviour, technology used, and how the respondents learned to use the technology. The surveys were collated and spreadsheets were created that reported answers to yes/no and other data questions. Word documents facilitated the listing of more qualitative answers. The data were analyzed using a thematic content analysis to find themes and patterns that emerged to create grounded theory. In thematic content analysis, “the coding scheme is based on categories designed to capture the dominant themes in a text (Franzosi 184). There is no universal coding scheme, and this method requires extensive pre-testing of the scheme (Franzosi 184). Grounded theory “uses a prescribed set of procedures for analyzing data and constructing a theoretical model” from the data (Leedy and Ormrod 154). Main Results – The survey asked questions about library use, reasons for library use, using technology, finding information, and learning to use online resources. A total of 465 surveys were distributed and 329 were returned. From the surveys returned, 184 were from female patrons, 127 from male patrons, and 18 did not report gender. The data for this article are primarily taken from the 184 female respondents who reported ages between 18 and 79 years. Seventy-one percent of these reported having a bachelor’s degree or higher. The study uses some contrasting data from the men’s responses where appropriate. In terms of library use, out of the 184 respondents, 42% came to the library monthly, while 36% visited the library weekly. Sixty-two percent of respondents knew they could email the library and 72% knew that they could call the library with questions. As for reasons for library use, the most prominent response was to borrow books rather than buying them. The second most common reason for using the library related to children’s books and programming for children. Other common reasons for library use included research activities, using public computers, reading, use of services such as photocopying and tax forms, and to volunteer or tutor. The library was also used as a place of solitude, where women could find a place and time for themselves. The author compared the men’s results to the women’s responses, and found that coming to the library for books was lower on the list, and very few men mentioned children’s library services. Men came to the library more often than women to study or read. In terms of using technology, the female respondents were fairly tech-savvy. Seventy-four percent of respondents felt comfortable using computers. Only 5% replied that using computers meant more work for them. Eighty-two percent said they used a computer on a regular basis, and 98% reported that they had used the Internet. Out of those who use the Internet, 91% used it at home, 64% used it at work, and 34% used it at the public library. Ninety-eight percent of women who used the Internet used a search engine such as Google or Yahoo to find information. Topics frequently mentioned were medical and travel information, information for their children, and shopping. Men, by contrast, listed shopping and finding medical information as their second reason for using the internet. General research topics were most frequently cited by men. Seven survey questions focused on finding information. The Internet was the number one choice for finding health information, sports scores, the date of Thanksgiving, and the phone number of their state Senator. The library was the first place to find a good book. Results indicated that although women use libraries to find information, they use the Internet more, as libraries were at least third on the list of places women looked for most of the topics inquired about. When asked about their computer use, 71% of respondents said they used a computer to gain information for work, 74% said they used it for hobbies, and 81% used it to access medical information on the Internet. Sixty-five percent of respondents used email and chat to keep in touch with family and friends. 30% of the women asked felt that books were more valuable than using a computer. Forty-six percent reported that being able to ask a librarian for help was an appreciated service. The use of library technology figured in the survey. Seventy-two percent of respondents reported that they were comfortable using the online catalogue and 53% said they used the library’s webpage. Only 19% said they used the library’s databases. The comments section of the survey included evidence that the women either did not know these electronic resources existed, or they did not understand what databases are for. However, 47% said they had access to online databases from other sources, for example, higher education institutions, public schools, businesses. Those who did use online databases were asked how they learned to use them. Sixteen percent were self-taught. Only a few had formal training, including 3% who were taught by a public library staff member. Sixty percent of respondents indicated they would like formal training: 23% preferred individual training, while 77% preferred training in a class setting. The survey attempted to discern the value of participants’ library experience by using positive and negative critical incidents. The participants responded to questions about their best and worst experiences using the library. Best experiences included those involving books; children’s literature, programs, and family projects; library technology; access to non-print materials; the library as a place for solitude; other library services; and library staff. The negative experiences included library issues such as having to return books on time, getting an overdue notice or fine on an item already returned, and desired books being out of the library, noise in the library. The number of positive experiences reported was higher than the number of negative experiences. Conclusions – Although definitive conclusions are difficult to make using qualitative analysis, Fidishun summarizes her findings by reporting that her study of women public library patrons found that technology features prominently in women’s lives, and that they regularly use the Internet to find information. However, many women were not aware of the databases available at the public library. Books were an important part of the library experience for these women, as were traditional library services, such as asking a librarian for help. Women often are the ones who bring children to the library and seek information for them. And the women surveyed valued the library as place.

Lessa Gonçalves, Harryson Júnio, Bianca Rafaela Boni, and Ana Clédina Rodrigues Gomes. "Currículo interdisciplinar no ensino integral: concepções de professores paulistas de Ciências da Natureza e Matemática (Conceptions of integral school and interdisciplinary curriculum)." Revista Eletrônica de Educação 13, no.2 (May10, 2019): 645. http://dx.doi.org/10.14244/198271992386.

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In the last decades, full-time schools have been implemented in Brazil with the aim of providing students a global education involving not only scientific knowledge, but also the constitution of knowledge in an integrated way in several areas. The bases for a proposal of integral education must take place under the perspective of interdisciplinarity, since it provides conditions of teaching in a dynamic way among the disciplines, linked to the society's problems and personal perspectives, promoting in this scope the education of subjects based on ethics, in the development of intellectual autonomy and critical thinking. In this sense, the present study aimed to characterize the implementation of an integral school proposal and its interface with interdisciplinarity based on the analysis of the praxis of teachers of Natural Sciences and Mathematics in the context of a paulista public school. The research was an exploratory and descriptive one, characterized as an ethnographic research, being therefore, a qualitative research in education and presented as one of its main results that the curricular proposals are shown as quite innovative, but they face some obstacles such as the fragility in the teachers' formation and the interference of aspects of the policies that impede their full development.ResumoNas últimas décadas, as escolas de tempo integral têm sido implementadas no Brasil com o intuito de oferecer aos educandos uma formação global envolvendo não apenas o conhecimento científico, mas também a constituição de saberes de forma integrada em diversas áreas. As bases para uma proposta de educação integral devem se dar sob a perspectiva da interdisciplinaridade, uma vez que proporciona condições de ensino de maneira dinâmica entre as disciplinas, atreladas aos problemas da sociedade e perspectivas pessoais, promovendo nesse âmbito a educação de sujeitos baseada na ética, no desenvolvimento da autonomia intelectual e do pensamento crítico. Nesse sentido, o presente estudo objetivou caracterizar a implementação de uma proposta de escola integral e sua interface com a interdisciplinaridade a partir da análise sobre a práxis de professores de Ciências da Natureza e Matemática no contexto de uma escola pública paulista. A investigação constituiu-se como exploratória e descritiva, caracterizada como uma pesquisa etnográfica, tratando-se, portanto, de uma pesquisa qualitativa em educação e apresentou como um de seus principais resultados que as propostas curriculares se mostram como bastante inovadoras, porém enfrentam alguns obstáculos como a fragilidade na formação de professores e a interferência de aspectos das políticas governamentais que impedem seu pleno desenvolvimento. Keywords: Integral education program, Interdisciplinary curriculum, Teacher training.Palavras-chave: Programa de ensino integral, Currículo interdisciplinar, Formação de professores.ReferencesBRANCO, Veronica. Desafios para a implantação da Educação Integral: análise das experiências desenvolvidas na região sul do Brasil. Educar em Revista: Editora UFPR Curitiba, n. 45, p. 111-123, jul./set. 2012.BRASIL. Parecer CNE/CEB nº 15/1998: diretrizes curriculares nacionais para o Ensino Médio. Brasília: CNE/CEB, 1998. CASTRO, Adriana de; LOPES, Roseli Esquerdo. A escola de tempo integral: desafios e possibilidades. Ensaio: aval. pol. públ. Educ., Rio de Janeiro, v. 19, n. 71, p. 259-282, abr./jun. 2011.CAVALIERE, Ana Maria Villela. Educação Integral: uma nova identidade para a escola brasileira? Educ. Soc., Campinas, vol. 23, n. 81, p. 247-270, dez. 2002. Disponível em <http://www.cedes.unicamp.br>. Acesso em: 15 abril 2017.FAZENDA, Ivani Catarina Arantes. Integração e interdisciplinaridade no ensino brasileiro: efetividade ou ideologia? São Paulo: Edições Loyola, 1996 (1979).GONÇALVES, Antonio Sérgio. Reflexões sobre Educação Integral e Escola de Tempo Integral. Cadernos Cenpec, n. 2. 2006.SÃO PAULO. Decreto n° 59.354 de 15 de julho de 2013. Dispõe sobre o Programa Ensino Integral de que trata a Lei Complementar nº 1.164, de 4 de janeiro de 2012, alterada pela Lei Complementar nº 1.191, de 28 de dezembro de 2012. Disponível em: <http://goo.gl/HYkw9l>. Acesso em: 20 abril de 2017.SÃO PAULO. Decreto n° 57.571 de 02 de dezembro de 2011. Altera a composição do Conselho Consultivo do Programa Educação - Compromisso de São Paulo. Disponível em: <http://goo.gl/GepM46>. Acesso em: 20 abril de 2017.SÃO PAULO. Diretrizes do programa ensino integral. 2012?. Disponível em: <http://www.educacao.sp.gov.br/a2sitebox/arquivos/documentos/342.pdf>. Acesso em: 20 abril de 2017.SÃO PAULO. Lei complementar n°1.191 de 28 de dezembro de 2012. Dispõe sobre o Programa Ensino Integral em escolas públicas estaduais e altera a Lei Complementar nº 1.164, 4 de janeiro de 2012, que institui o Regime de Dedicação Plena e Integral - RDPI e a Gratificação de Dedicação Plena e Integral – GDPI aos integrantes do Quadro do Magistério em exercício nas Escolas Estaduais de Ensino Médio de Período Integral, e dá providências correlatas. Disponível em: <http://www.al.sp.gov.br/norma/?id=169046>. Acesso em: 20 abril de 2017.

Allers,E., E.Allers, O.A.Betancourt, J.Benson-Martin, P.Buckley, P.Buckley, I.Chetty, et al. "SASOP Biological Psychiatry Congress 2013 Abstracts." South African Journal of Psychiatry 19, no.3 (August30, 2013): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajpsychiatry.v19i3.473.

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List of abstracts and authors:1. Bipolar disorder not otherwise specified -overdiagnosed or underdiagnosed?E Allers2. The prognosis of major depression untreated and treated: Does the data reflect the true picture of the prognosis of this very common disorder?E Allers3. Can we prolong our patients' life expectancy? Providing a better quality of life for patients with severe mental illnessO A Betencourt4. The scope of ECT practice in South AfricaJ Benson-Martin, P Milligan5. Biomarkers for schizophrenia: Can we evolve like cancer therapeutics?P Buckley6. Relapse in schizophrenis: Major challenges in prediction and preventionP Buckley7. Informed consent in biological treatments: The right to know the duty to informI Chetty8. Effectiveness of a long-acting injectable antipsychotic plus an assertive monitoring programme in first-episode schizophreniaB Chiliza, L Asmal, O Esan, A Ojagbemi, O Gureje, R Emsley9. Name, shame, fameP Cilliers10. Can we manage the increasing incidence of violent raging children? We have to!H Clark11. Serotonin, depression and antidepressant actionP Cowen12. Prevalence and correlates of comorbid psychiatris illness in patients with heroin use disorder admitted to Stikland Opioid Detoxification UnitL Dannatt, K J Cloete, M Kidd, L Weich13. Investigating the association between diabetes mellitus, depression and psychological distress in a cohort of South African teachersA K Domingo, S Seedat, T M Esterhuizen, C Laurence, J Volmink, L Asmal14. Neuropeptide S -emerging evidence for a role in anxietyK Domschke15. Pathogenetics of anxietyK Domschke16. The effects of HIV on the fronto-striatal systemS du Plessis, M Vink, J Joska, E Koutsilieri, C Scheller, B Spottiswoode, D Stein, R Emsley17. Effects of acute antipsychotic treatment on brain morphology in schizophreniaR Emsley, L Asmal, B Chiliza, S du Plessis, J Carr, A Goosen, M Kidd, M Vink, R Kahn18. Development of a genetic database resource for monitoring of breast cancer patients at risk of physical and psychological complicationsK Grant, F J Cronje, K Botha, J P Apffelstaedt, M J Kotze19. Unipolar mania reconsidered: Evidence from a South African studyC Grobler20. Antipsychotic-induced movement disorders: Occurence and managementP Haddad21. The place of observational studies in assessing the effectiveness of long-acting injectable antipsychoticsP Haddad22. Molecular mechanisms of d-cycloserine in fear extinction: Insights from RNS sequencingS Hemmings, S Malan-Muller, L Fairbairn, M Jalali, E J Oakeley, J Gamieldien, M Kidd, S Seedat23. Schizophrenia: The role of inflammationDC Henderson24. Addictions: Emergent trends and innovationsV Hitzeroth25. The socio-cultural-religious context of biological psychiatric practiceB Janse van Rensburg26. Biochemical markers for identifying risk factors for disability progression in multiple sclerosisS Janse van Rensburg, M J Kotze, F J Cronje, W Davis, K Moremi, M Jalali Sefid Dashti, J Gamieldien, D Geiger, M Rensburg, R van Toorn, M J de Klerk, G M Hon, T Matsha, S Hassan, R T Erasmus27. Alcohol-induced psychotic disorder: Brain perfusion and psychopathology - before and after antipsychotic treatmentG Jordaan, J M Warwick, D G Nel, R Hewlett, R Emsley28.'Pump and dump': Harm reduction strategies for breastfeeding while using substancesL Kramer29. Adolescent neuropsychiatry - an emerging field in South African adolescent psychiatric servicesA Lachman30. Recovery versus remission, or what it means to be healthy for a psychiatric patient?B Latecki31. Holistic methods utilised to normalise behaviours in youth diagnosed with neuro-biochemical disordersP Macqueen32. Candidate genes and novel polymorphisms for anxiety disorder in a South African cohortN McGregor, J Dimatelis, S M J Hemmings, C J Kinnear, D Stein, V Russel, C Lochner33. Higher visual functioningA Moodley34. The effects of prenatal methylmercury exposure on trace element and antioxidant levels in rat offspring following 6-hydroxydopamine-induced neuronal insultZ M Moosa, W M U Daniels, M V Mabandla35. Paediatric neuropsychiatric movement disordersL Mubaiwa36. The South African national female offenders studyM Nagdee, L Artz, C de Clercq, P de Wet, H Erlacher, S Kaliski, C Kotze, L Kowalski, J Naidoo, S Naidoo, J Pretorius, M Roffey, F Sokudela, U Subramaney37. Neurobiological consequences of child abuseC Nemeroff38. What do Stellenbosch Unviversity medical students think about psychiatry - and why should we care?G Nortje, S Suliman, K Seed, G Lydall, S Seedat39. Neurological soft skins in Nigerian Africans with first episode schizophrenia: Factor structure and clinical correlatesA Ojagbemi, O Esan, O Gureje, R Emsley40. Should psychiatric patients know their MTHFR status?E Peter41. Clinical and functional outcome of treatment refractory first-episode schizophreniaL Phahladira, R Emsley, L Asmal, B Chiliza42. Bioethics by case discussionW Pienaar43. Reviewing our social contract pertaining to psychiatric research in children, research in developing countries and distributive justice in pharmacyW Pienaar44. The performance of the MMSE in a heterogenous elderly South African populationS Ramlall, J Chipps, A I Bhigjee, B J Pillay45. Biological basis addiction (alocohol and drug addiction)S Rataemane46. Volumetric brain changes in prenatal methamphetamine-exposed children compared with healthy unexposed controlsA Roos, K Donald, G Jones, D J Stein47. Single voxel proton magnetic resonance spectroscopy of the amygdala in social anxiety disorder in the context of early developmental traumaD Rosenstein, A Hess, S Seedat, E Meintjies48. Discussion of HDAC inhibitors, with specific reference to supliride and its use during breastfeedingJ Roux49. Prevalence and clinical correlates of police contact prior to a first diagnosis of schizophreniaC Schumann, L Asmal, K Cloete, B Chiliza, R Emsley50. Are dreams meaningless?M Solms51. The conscious idM Solms52. Depression and resilience in HIV-infected women with early life stress: Does trauma play a mediating role?G Spies, S Seedat53. State of affairs analysis for forensic psychiatry in SAU Subramaney54. Escitalopram in the prevention of post-traumatic stress disorder: A pilot randomised controlled trialS Suliman, S Seedat, J Pingo, T Sutherland, J Zohar, D J Stein55. Epigenetic consequences of adverse early social experiences in primatesS Suomi56. Risk, resilience, and gene x environment interactions in primatesS Suomi57. Biological aspects of anorexia nervosaC Szabo58. Agents used and profiles of non-fatal suicidal behaviour in East LondonH Uys59. The contributions of G-protein coupled receptor signalling to opioid dependenceJ van Tonder60. Emerging trend and innovation in PTSD and OCDJ Zohar61. Making the SASOP treatment guidelines operationalE AllersPoster Presentations62. Neuropsychological deficits in social anxiety disorder in the context of early developmental traumaS Bakelaar, D Rosenstein, S Seedat63.Social anxiety disorder in patients with or without early childhood trauma: Relationship to behavioral inhibition and activation and quality of lifeS Bakelaar, C Bruijnen, A Sambeth, S Seedat64. Exploring altered affective processing in obssessive compulsive disorder symptom subtypesE Breet, J Ipser, D Stein, C Lochner 65. To investigate the bias toward recognising the facial expression of disgust in obsessive compulsive disorder as well as the effect of escitalopramE Breet, J Ipser, D Stein, C Lochner66. A fatal-case of nevirapine-induced Stevens-Johnson's syndrome in HIV maniaA Bronkhorst, Z Zingela, W M Qwesha, B P Magigaba67. Association of the COMT G472A (met/met) genotype with lower disability in people diagnosed with multiple sclerosisW Davis, S J van Rensburg, L Fisher, F J Cronje, D Geiger, M J Kotze68. hom*ocycsteine levels are associated with the fat mass and obesity associated gene FTO(intron 1 T>A) polymorphism in MS patientsW Davis, S J Van Rensburg, M J Kotze, L Fisher, M Jalali, F J Cronje, K Moremi, J Gamieldien, D Geiger, M Rensburg, R van Toorn, M J de Klerk, G M Hon, T Matsha, S Hassan, R T Erasmus69. Analysis of the COMT 472 G>A (rs4680) polymorphism in relation to environmental influences as contributing factors in patients with schizophreniaD de Klerk, S J van Rensburg, R A Emsley, D Geiger, M Rensburg, R T Erasmus, M J Kotze70. Dietary folate intake, hom*ocysteine levels and MTHFR mutation detection in South African patients with depression: Test development for clinical application D Delport, N vand der Merwe, R Schoeman, M J Kotze71. The use ofexome sequencing for antipsychotic pharmacogenomic applications in South African schizophrenia patientsB Drogmoller, D Niehaus, G Wright, B Chiliza, L Asmal, R Emsley, L Warnich72. The effects of HIV on the ventral-striatal reward systemS du Plessis, M Vink, J Joska, E Koutsilieri, C Scheller, B Spottiswoode, D Stein, R Emsley73. Xenomelia relates to asymmetrical insular activity: A case study of fMRIS du Plessis, M Vink, L Asmal74. Maternal mental helath: A prospective naturalistic study of the outcome of pregancy in women with major psychiatric disorders in an African countryE du Toit, L Koen, D Niehaus, B Vythilingum, E Jordaan, J Leppanen75. Prefrontal cortical thinning and subcortical volume decrease in HIV-positive children with encephalopathyJ P Fouche, B Spottiswoode, K Donald, D Stein, J Hoare76. H-magnetic resonance spectroscopy metabolites in schizophreniaF Howells, J Hsieh, H Temmingh, D J Stein77. Hypothesis for the development of persistent methamphetamine-induced psychosis J Hsieh, D J Stein, F M Howells78. Culture, religion, spirituality and psychiatric practice: The SASOP Spirituality and Psychiatry Special Interest Group Action Plan for 2012-2014B Janse van Rensburg79. Cocaine reduces the efficiency of dopamine uptake in a rodent model of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder: An in vivo electrochemical studyL Kellaway, J S Womersley, D J Stein, G A Gerhardt, V A Russell80. Kleine-Levin syndrome: Case in an adolescent psychiatric unitA Lachman81. Increased inflammatory stress specific clinical, lifestyle and therapeutic variables in patients receiving treatment for stress, anxiety or depressive symptomsH Luckhoff, M Kotze, S Janse van Rensburg, D Geiger82. Catatonia: An eight-case series reportM Mabenge, Z Zingela, S van Wyk83. Relationship between anxiety sensitivity and childhood trauma in a random sample of adolescents from secondary schools in Cape TownL Martin, M Viljoen, S Seedat84. 'Making ethics real'. An overview of an ethics course presented by Fraser Health Ethics Services, BC, CanadaJJ McCallaghan85. Clozapine discontinuation rates in a public healthcare settingM Moolman, W Esterhuysen, R Joubert, J C Lamprecht, M S Lubbe86. Retrospective review of clozapine monitoring in a publica sector psychiatric hospital and associated clinicsM Moolman, W Esterhuysen, R Joubert, J C Lamprecht, M S Lubbe87. Association of an iron-related TMPRSS6 genetic variant c.2007 C>7 (rs855791) with functional iron deficiency and its effect on multiple sclerosis risk in the South African populationK Moremi, S J van Rensburg, L R Fisher, W Davis, F J Cronje, M Jalali Sefid Dashti, J Gamieldien, D Geiger, M Rensburg, R van Toorn, M J de Klerk, G M Hon, T Matsha, S Hassan, R T Erasmus, M Kidd, M J Kotze88. Identifying molecular mechanisms of apormophine-induced addictive behavioursZ Ndlazi, W Daniels, M Mabandla89. Effects of lifestyle factors and biochemistry on the major neck blood vessels in patients with mutiple sclerosisM Nelson, S J van Rensburg, M J Kotze, F Isaacs, S Hassan90. Nicotine protects against dopamine neurodegenration and improves motor deficits in a Parkinsonian rat modelN Ngema, P Ngema, M Mabandla, W Daniels91. Cognition: Probing anatomical substratesH Nowbath92. Chronic exposure to light reverses the effects of maternal separation on the rat prefrontal cortexV Russel, J Dimatelis93. Evaluating a new drug to combat Alzheimer's diseaseS Sibiya, W M U Daniels, M V Mabandla94. Structural brain changes in HIV-infected women with and without childhood traumaG Spies, F Ahmed, C Fennema-Notestine, S Archibald, S Seedat95. Nicotine-stimulated release of hippocampal norepinephrine is reduced in an animal model of attention-deficit/ hyperactivity disorder: the spontaneously hypertensive ratT Sterley96. Brain-derive neurotrophic factor (BDNF) protein levels in anxiety disorders: Systematic review and meta-regression analysisS Suliman, S M J Hemmings, S Seedat97. A 12-month retrospective audit of the demographic and clinical profile of mental healthcare users admitted to a district level hospital in the Western Cape, South AfricaE Thomas, K J Cloete, M Kidd, H Lategan98. Magnesium recurarization: A comparison between reversal of neuromuscular block with sugammadex v. neostigmine/ glycopyrrolate in an in vivo rat modelM van den Berg, M F M James, L A Kellaway99. Identification of breast cancer patients at increased risk of 'chemobrain': Case study and review of the literatureN van der Merwe, R Pienaar, S J van Rensburg, J Bezuidenhout, M J Kotze100. The protective role of HAART and NAZA in HIV Tat protein-induced hippocampal cell deathS Zulu, W M U Daniels, M V Mabandla

Arabadjian, Milla, Alexandra Stepanovic, and Mark Sherrid. "Abstract 148: Installation and Deployment of Automated External Defibrillators in New York State Schools." Circulation 140, Suppl_2 (November19, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.1161/circ.140.suppl_2.148.

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Introduction: AHA recommends that automated external defibrillators (AEDs) be made available in public areas with high likelihood of a sudden cardiac arrest (SCA). Only 18 US states have regulations requiring AEDs in schools and the legislation varies. There is no comprehensive evaluation of the epidemiology of sudden death in schools. School nurses are often the only healthcare providers within a school. New York State (NYS) enrolls almost 3.5 million students with New York City (NYC) being the largest school system in the US; legislation requires AEDs in all public but not in private schools. Purpose: Our aims were threefold: to gain epidemiologic data on SCAs in NYS schools, to evaluate the availability and utilization of AEDs, and to identify factors affecting deployment of AEDs. Methods: Electronic surveys were sent to school nurse members of the NYS Association of School Nurses and NYC school nurses. We also conducted structured interviews with a representative sample of NYS school nurses. Results: Nurses representing 750 public schools and 116 private schools responded, a response rate of 36.4%. There were 71 SCA events, with majority affecting adults on school grounds 41 (58%). AEDs were deployed in 59 (73%). Short term survival occurred in 50 (69%) with 40 (56%) returning to regular activity. While not required to have AEDs available, most private schools had them 69(60%). There were 21 (30%) SCA events in private schools with 8 (11%) occurring in private schools with no AEDs. Of these, 6 (75%) had a negative outcome. Interviews revealed that staff attitude, fear, and training adequacy were factors influencing AED utilization. Conclusions: AEDs in schools improve survival outcomes. There has been no comprehensive evaluation of SCA events in US schools and no uniformity in AED legislation among states. While focus is on students, NYS data suggests that attention should also encompass adult SCAs in schools. Comparisons of AED utilization and SCA outcomes in states with and without AED legislation will be of interest, and may have health policy implications.

Bezerra,IlanaN., Hituanna BN Medeiros, Amanda de Moura Souza, and Rosely Sichieri. "Contribution of away-from-home food to the energy and nutrient intake among Brazilian adolescents." Public Health Nutrition, July6, 2020, 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980020001573.

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Abstract Objective: To compare the contribution of different food consumption places to the energy and nutrient intake among Brazilian adolescents. Design: We analysed data from the Study of Cardiovascular Risk in Adolescents – ERICA, carried out in 2013–2014. Foods were categorised into thirty-three food groups. Energy, nutrients and food groups were analysed according to home, public and private schools, and other places of foods consumption. Linear regression models were used to test the association between eating away from home and nutrient intake. Setting: Brazilian public and private schools. Participants: All adolescents who had undergone anthropometric evaluation and provided information through the questionnaires, including the 24-h recall (n 71 740). Results: The main portion of energy intake per day was consumed within the adolescent households (8112·776 kJ (1939 kcal), 95 % CI 1892, 1985). Away-from-home eating was reported by 52 % of students in a given day, but it contributed to only 15 % of total energy intake. This contribution was mainly due to high energy-dense food intake. The percentage contribution of foods consumed at public school and other places was very similar with respect to nutrients. However, food consumption at other places meant less intake of protein, fibre and Fe, in addition to increasing the intake of added sugar and fats. Conclusions: The frequency of food consumption outside the home by adolescents is high, although the main contribution to energy intake occurs at home, and despite the similarity of nutrients consumed in school and restaurants, the latter tends to worsen the nutritional quality of meals.

Mulyadi, Yadi, Mukhidin Mukhidin, Agus Setiawan, Aam Hamdani, and Purnawan Purnawan. "Pemetaan SMK Di Jawa Barat, Bangka Belitung dan Kalimantan Tengah." Innovation of Vocational Technology Education 6, no.2 (April5, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/invotec.v6i2.6089.

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Since 2005 the Directorate of Vocational High School Development (Direktorat PSMK) has launched a national program of vocational high school (SMK) development on a large scale with the scenario of increasing the quantity vocational high school students and reducing the number of senior high school students (SMA) or known by the scheme of 70:30. Its fundamental consideration is to reduce the unemployment rate of SMA graduates can who not continue to studies to their further higher level of education. While the development of vocational education is expected to expand the employment absorption in the greater world of industry. The implications to the above national program significance of the increasing numbers of new SMK spreading from both in urban and rural . Some of both public and private vocational schools has emerged quickly, even in some areas there are primary school, junior or vocational school used to make the CMS. This condition is certainly worrying, on the one side it is line with the national program but on the other side the increase in quantity does not linearly correlate with the quality. More over the relevence of the SMK competence program has not been thoroughly examined an in depth study that can give an impact on the employment absorption in the world of indutry. Aperiodically comprehensive mapping of the all existing vocational the schools need tobe done ranging especially from the availability of the teachers the program expertise as well as the and the infrastructure as well as development of the students, including the increasing the number of teachers, the interest of the community as well as programs being carried out in SMK. The method used in conducting the research is a descriptive method, this method describes the condition of the existing vocational schools in each subject study area. Data is collected through using the census method and documentation methods. This research has produced data for all three subject study areas in West Java, Bangka Belitung and Central Kalimantan and has sequentially resulted as follows: (1) Number of SMK: 1043, 43, 67, (2) Number learning group: 9454, 418, 446, (3) Number of learning resource centre: 134 988, 5782, 5764, (4) Number of Students: 327,757, 14,482, 14,010, (5) Number of graduates: 81 916, 2517, 2586.

Abdelmajid Nayif Alawneh. "The impact of social networking sites on the lives of individuals within Palestinian society during the period 2015-2020 "Afield study applied to the residents of Bethlehem – Palestine": أثر مواقع التواصل الاجتماعي الإلكترونية على حياة الأفراد داخل المجتمع الفلسطيني خلال الفترة ما بين 2015 – 2020 " دراسة ميدانية مطبقة على سكان مدينة بيت لحم – فلسطين"." Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences 4, no.4 (April28, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.26389/ajsrp.n230120.

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The aim of this research is to determine the extent of the impact resulting from electronic social networking sites with their various indicators on the lives of members of the Palestinian society in all aspects of living. The researcher has used the descriptive analytical method and the questionnaire tool in collecting field data, as the research community was a resident of the Palestinian city of Bethlehem located south The West Bank from all aspects of life and living for them, and the sample taken from the research community reached (888) individuals, with a percentage (3%) of the entire research community, and this research has reached a set of important results on this topic, one of the most important being that most users The reality of social media are from the young category, and that the most used website is Facebook compared to jealousy, as it turns out that the most affected aspects of life from electronic social networking sites are the social aspect, whose impact ratio has reached a value (1.90%) followed by the religious side, which came The percentage of being affected by social media has reached a value of (3.87%), then came the educational aspect, which has reached an impact rate of (4. 83%), then the behavioral aspect came with an impact rate of (3. 81%) then, culturally, at a value of (78%), as for the psychological aspect, which reached a value of 2.63%), another and the lowest of these values came to the economic aspect, which reached a value (9.58%), thus forming the least effects resulting from the existence and use of sites. Electronic social networking within the Palestinian society. As for the nature of the relationship between social media and the aspects of life for members of Palestinian society, a strong and statistically significant relationship has emerged, and the nature of this relationship came in a direct way between each of the subscription period, the number of hours of daily use, the number of added friends, the goal of the subscription, and the number of sites The electronic system used and between the various aspects related to the life of the members of the Palestinian society represented in the social, religious, educational, behavioral, cultural, psychological and economic fields. At the end of the research, the researcher made a number of recommendations at the public and private levels that came from the most important of them. The time for awareness-raising by educational institutions represented in schools and universities to warn against the increase in the use of such sites and warn of the negative consequences resulting from them, and to identify the main issues in which the use of electronic social networking sites that are beneficial to the user are required, especially in social, behavioral, and other aspects.

Mohebb, Zinat, Setareh Fazel Dehkordi, Farkhondeh Sharif, and Ebrahim Banitalebi. "The effect of aerobic exercise on occupational stress of female nurses: A controlled clinical trial." Investigación y Educación en Enfermería 37, no.2 (June19, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.17533/udea.iee.v37n2e05.

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Abstract Objective. This work sought to determine the effectiveness of an aerobic exercise program on the occupational stress of nurses.Methods. Prevention-type controlled clinical trial carried out with the participation of 60 nurses working in hospitals affiliated to Shahrekord University of Medical Sciences in Iran. Randomly, the nurses were assigned to the experimental group or to the control group. The intervention consisted in an aerobic exercise program lasting three months with three weekly sessions one hour each. The Health and Safety Executive (HSE) questionnaire measured occupational stress with 35 questions, each with five Likert-type response options, which can have a maximum score of 175 points; higher scores meant lower levels of occupational stress. The HSE was evaluated during three moments: upon registering, after finishing the exercise program (week 8), and two months after terminating the intervention (week 16).Results. The level of occupational stress was the same in the experimental and control groups during registration (86.2 vs. 86.3). Upon finishing the aerobic exercise program (week 8), the experimental group showed a higher score than the control group (119.7 vs. 86.2, p<0.01), with this score diminishing after two months of having ended the intervention (91.4 vs. 85.8, p=0.061).Conclusion. The aerobic exercise program was associated to decreased work stress of nurses in the experimental group compared to the control group at eight weeks, but this difference did not persist when the experimental group did not continue with the program.Descriptors: control groups; physical exertion; occupational stress; nurses; female.How to cite this article: Zinat Mohebbi Z, Dehkordi SF, Sharif S, Banitalebi E. The Effect of Aerobic Exercise on Occupational Stress of Female Nurses: A Controlled Clinical Trial. Invest. Educ. Enferm. 2019; 37(2):e05.ReferencesRice PL. Stress and health. 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Effects of organisational-level interventions at work on employees’ health: a systematic review. BMC Public Health. 2014: 14(1):135. Van den Oetelaar WF, van Stel HF, van Rhenen W, Stellato RK, Grolman W. Balancing nurses' workload in hospital wards: study protocol of developing a method to manage workload. BMJ Open. 2016;6(11):e012148. Roberts RK, Grubb PL. The consequences of nursing stress and need for integrated solutions. Rehabil. Nurs. 2013; 39(2):62-9. Sharma P, Davey A, Davey S, Shukla A, Shrivastava K, Bansal R. Occupational stress among staff nurses: Controlling the risk to health. Indian J. Occup. Environ. Med. 2014; 18(2):52-6. Nabirye RC, Brown KC, Pryor ER, Maples EH. Occupational stress, job satisfaction and job performance among hospital nurses in Kampala, Uganda. J. Nurs. Manag. 2014; 19(6):760- 8. Isfahani S, Hosseini M, Khoshknab H, Peyrovi, Khanke R. What Really Motivates Iranian Nurses to Be Creative in Clinical Settings?: A Qualitative Study. Glob. J. Health Sci. 2015; 7(5): 132-58. Taghavi Larijani T, Ramezani F, Khatoni A, Monjamed Z. Comparison of the sources of stress among the senior Nursing and Midwifery Students of Tehran Medical Sciences Universities. Hayat. 2007; 13(2):61-70. Brunner L, Suddarth D. CanadianTextbook of medical surgical nursing. 14th Ed. Lippincott Williams & Wilkins; 2017. Rees R, J Kavanagh J, Harden A, Shepherd J, Brunton G, Oliver S, Oakley A. Young people and physical activity: a systematic review matching their views to effective interventions. Health Educ. Res. 2006; 21(6):806–25. Mogharnasi M, Koushan M, Golestaneh F, Seyedahmadi M, Keavanlou F. The Effect of Aerobic Training on the Mental Health of Addict Women. J. Sabzevar Univ. Med. Sci. 2011; 18(2):7-91. Guszkowska M. Effect of exercise on anxiety, depression and mood. Psychiatr. Pol. 2004; 38(4):611-20. [Polish] Min JA, Lee CU, Lee C. Mental health promotion and illness prevention: a challenge for psychiatrists. 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Musgrove, Brian Michael. "Recovering Public Memory: Politics, Aesthetics and Contempt." M/C Journal 11, no.6 (November28, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.108.

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1. Guy Debord in the Land of the Long WeekendIt’s the weekend – leisure time. It’s the interlude when, Guy Debord contends, the proletarian is briefly free of the “total contempt so clearly built into every aspect of the organization and management of production” in commodity capitalism; when workers are temporarily “treated like grown-ups, with a great show of solicitude and politeness, in their new role as consumers.” But this patronising show turns out to be another form of subjection to the diktats of “political economy”: “the totality of human existence falls under the regime of the ‘perfected denial of man’.” (30). As Debord suggests, even the creation of leisure time and space is predicated upon a form of contempt: the “perfected denial” of who we, as living people, really are in the eyes of those who presume the power to legislate our working practices and private identities.This Saturday The Weekend Australian runs an opinion piece by Christopher Pearson, defending ABC Radio National’s Stephen Crittenden, whose program The Religion Report has been axed. “Some of Crittenden’s finest half-hours have been devoted to Islam in Australia in the wake of September 11,” Pearson writes. “Again and again he’s confronted a left-of-centre audience that expected multi-cultural pieties with disturbing assertions.” Along the way in this admirable Crusade, Pearson notes that Crittenden has exposed “the Left’s recent tendency to ally itself with Islam.” According to Pearson, Crittenden has also thankfully given oxygen to claims by James Cook University’s Mervyn Bendle, the “fairly conservative academic whose work sometimes appears in [these] pages,” that “the discipline of critical terrorism studies has been captured by neo-Marxists of a postmodern bent” (30). Both of these points are well beyond misunderstanding or untested proposition. If Pearson means them sincerely he should be embarrassed and sacked. But of course he does not and will not be. These are deliberate lies, the confabulations of an eminent right-wing culture warrior whose job is to vilify minorities and intellectuals (Bendle escapes censure as an academic because he occasionally scribbles for the Murdoch press). It should be observed, too, how the patent absurdity of Pearson’s remarks reveals the extent to which he holds the intelligence of his readers in contempt. And he is not original in peddling these toxic wares.In their insightful—often hilarious—study of Australian opinion writers, The War on Democracy, Niall Lucy and Steve Mickler identify the left-academic-Islam nexus as the brain-child of former Treasurer-cum-memoirist Peter Costello. The germinal moment was “a speech to the Australian American Leadership Dialogue forum at the Art Gallery of NSW in 2005” concerning anti-Americanism in Australian schools. Lucy and Mickler argue that “it was only a matter of time” before a conservative politician or journalist took the plunge to link the left and terrorism, and Costello plunged brilliantly. He drew a mental map of the Great Chain of Being: left-wing academics taught teacher trainees to be anti-American; teacher trainees became teachers and taught kids to be anti-American; anti-Americanism morphs into anti-Westernism; anti-Westernism veers into terrorism (38). This is contempt for the reasoning capacity of the Australian people and, further still, contempt for any observable reality. Not for nothing was Costello generally perceived by the public as a politician whose very physiognomy radiated smugness and contempt.Recycling Costello, Christopher Pearson’s article subtly interpellates the reader as an ordinary, common-sense individual who instinctively feels what’s right and has no need to think too much—thinking too much is the prerogative of “neo-Marxists” and postmodernists. Ultimately, Pearson’s article is about channelling outrage: directing the down-to-earth passions of the Australian people against stock-in-trade culture-war hate figures. And in Pearson’s paranoid world, words like “neo-Marxist” and “postmodern” are devoid of historical or intellectual meaning. They are, as Lucy and Mickler’s War on Democracy repeatedly demonstrate, mere ciphers packed with the baggage of contempt for independent critical thought itself.Contempt is everywhere this weekend. The Weekend Australian’s colour magazine runs a feature story on Malcolm Turnbull: one of those familiar profiles designed to reveal the everyday human touch of the political classes. In this puff-piece, Jennifer Hewett finds Turnbull has “a restless passion for participating in public life” (20); that beneath “the aggressive political rhetoric […] behind the journalist turned lawyer turned banker turned politician turned would-be prime minister is a man who really enjoys that human interaction, however brief, with the many, many ordinary people he encounters” (16). Given all this energetic turning, it’s a wonder that Turnbull has time for human interactions at all. The distinction here of Turnbull and “many, many ordinary people” – the anonymous masses – surely runs counter to Hewett’s brief to personalise and quotidianise him. Likewise, those two key words, “however brief”, have an unfortunate, unintended effect. Presumably meant to conjure a picture of Turnbull’s hectic schedules and serial turnings, the words also convey the image of a patrician who begrudgingly knows one of the costs of a political career is that common flesh must be pressed—but as gingerly as possible.Hewett proceeds to disclose that Turnbull is “no conservative cultural warrior”, “onfounds stereotypes” and “hates labels” (like any baby-boomer rebel) and “has always read widely on political philosophy—his favourite is Edmund Burke”. He sees the “role of the state above all as enabling people to do their best” but knows that “the main game is the economy” and is “content to play mainstream gesture politics” (19). I am genuinely puzzled by this and imagine that my intelligence is being held in contempt once again. That the man of substance is given to populist gesturing is problematic enough; but that the Burke fan believes the state is about personal empowerment is just too much. Maybe Turnbull is a fan of Burke’s complex writings on the sublime and the beautiful—but no, Hewett avers, Turnbull is engaged by Burke’s “political philosophy”. So what is it in Burke that Turnbull finds to favour?Turnbull’s invocation of Edmund Burke is empty, gestural and contradictory. The comfortable notion that the state helps people to realise their potential is contravened by Burke’s view that the state functions so “the inclinations of men should frequently be thwarted, their will controlled, and their passions brought into subjection… by a power out of themselves” (151). Nor does Burke believe that anyone of humble origins could or should rise to the top of the social heap: “The occupation of an hair-dresser, or of a working tallow-chandler, cannot be a matter of honour to any person… the state suffers oppression, if such as they, either individually or collectively, are permitted to rule” (138).If Turnbull’s main game as a would-be statesman is the economy, Burke profoundly disagrees: “the state ought not to be considered as nothing better than a partnership agreement in a trade of pepper and coffee, callico or tobacco, or some other such low concern… It is a partnership in all science; a partnership in all art; a partnership in every virtue, and in all perfection”—a sublime entity, not an economic manager (194). Burke understands, long before Antonio Gramsci or Louis Althusser, that individuals or social fractions must be made admirably “obedient” to the state “by consent or force” (195). Burke has a verdict on mainstream gesture politics too: “When men of rank sacrifice all ideas of dignity to an ambition without a distinct object, and work with low instruments and for low ends, the whole composition [of the state] becomes low and base” (136).Is Malcolm Turnbull so contemptuous of the public that he assumes nobody will notice the gross discrepancies between his own ideals and what Burke stands for? His invocation of Burke is, indeed, “mainstream gesture politics”: on one level, “Burke” signifies nothing more than Turnbull’s performance of himself as a deep thinker. In this process, the real Edmund Burke is historically erased; reduced to the status of stage-prop in the theatrical production of Turnbull’s mass-mediated identity. “Edmund Burke” is re-invented as a term in an aesthetic repertoire.This transmutation of knowledge and history into mere cipher is the staple trick of culture-war discourse. Jennifer Hewett casts Turnbull as “no conservative culture warrior”, but he certainly shows a facility with culture-war rhetoric. And as much as Turnbull “confounds stereotypes” his verbal gesture to Edmund Burke entrenches a stereotype: at another level, the incantation “Edmund Burke” is implicitly meant to connect Turnbull with conservative tradition—in the exact way that John Howard regularly self-nominated as a “Burkean conservative”.This appeal to tradition effectively places “the people” in a power relation. Tradition has a sublimity that is bigger than us; it precedes us and will outlast us. Consequently, for a politician to claim that tradition has fashioned him, that he is welded to it or perhaps even owns it as part of his heritage, is to glibly imply an authority greater than that of “the many, many ordinary people”—Burke’s hair-dressers and tallow-chandlers—whose company he so briefly enjoys.In The Ideology of the Aesthetic, Terry Eagleton assesses one of Burke’s important legacies, placing him beside another eighteenth-century thinker so loved by the right—Adam Smith. Ideology of the Aesthetic is premised on the view that “Aesthetics is born as a discourse of the body”; that the aesthetic gives form to the “primitive materialism” of human passions and organises “the whole of our sensate life together… a society’s somatic, sensational life” (13). Reading Smith’s Theory of Moral Sentiments, Eagleton discerns that society appears as “an immense machine, whose regular and harmonious movements produce a thousand agreeable effects”, like “any production of human art”. In Smith’s work, the “whole of social life is aestheticized” and people inhabit “a social order so spontaneously cohesive that its members no longer need to think about it.” In Burke, Eagleton discovers that the aesthetics of “manners” can be understood in terms of Gramscian hegemony: “in the aesthetics of social conduct, or ‘culture’ as it would later be called, the law is always with us, as the very unconscious structure of our life”, and as a result conformity to a dominant ideological order is deeply felt as pleasurable and beautiful (37, 42). When this conservative aesthetic enters the realm of politics, Eagleton contends, the “right turn, from Burke” onwards follows a dark trajectory: “forget about theoretical analysis… view society as a self-grounding organism, all of whose parts miraculously interpenetrate without conflict and require no rational justification. Think with the blood and the body. Remember that tradition is always wiser and richer than one’s own poor, pitiable ego. It is this line of descent, in one of its tributaries, which will lead to the Third Reich” (368–9).2. Jean Baudrillard, the Nazis and Public MemoryIn 1937, during the Spanish Civil War, the Third Reich’s Condor Legion of the Luftwaffe was on loan to Franco’s forces. On 26 April that year, the Condor Legion bombed the market-town of Guernica: the first deliberate attempt to obliterate an entire town from the air and the first experiment in what became known as “terror bombing”—the targeting of civilians. A legacy of this violence was Pablo Picasso’s monumental canvas Guernica – the best-known anti-war painting in art history.When US Secretary of State Colin Powell addressed the United Nations on 5 February 2003 to make the case for war on Iraq, he stopped to face the press in the UN building’s lobby. The doorstop was globally televised, packaged as a moment of incredible significance: history in the making. It was also theatre: a moment in which history was staged as “event” and the real traces of history were carefully erased. Millions of viewers world-wide were undoubtedly unaware that the blue backdrop before which Powell stood was specifically designed to cover the full-scale tapestry copy of Picasso’s Guernica. This one-act, agitprop drama was a splendid example of politics as aesthetic action: a “performance” of history in the making which required the loss of actual historical memory enshrined in Guernica. Powell’s performance took its cues from the culture wars, which require the ceaseless erasure of history and public memory—on this occasion enacted on a breathtaking global, rather than national, scale.Inside the UN chamber, Powell’s performance was equally staged-crafted. As he brandished vials of ersatz anthrax, the power-point behind him (the theatrical set) showed artists’ impressions of imaginary mobile chemical weapons laboratories. Powell was playing lead role in a kind of populist, hyperreal production. It was Jean Baudrillard’s postmodernism, no less, as the media space in which Powell acted out the drama was not a secondary representation of reality but a reality of its own; the overheads of mobile weapons labs were simulacra, “models of a real without origins or reality”, pictures referring to nothing but themselves (2). In short, Powell’s performance was anchored in a “semiurgic” aesthetic; and it was a dreadful real-life enactment of Walter Benjamin’s maxim that “All efforts to render politics aesthetic culminate in one thing: war” (241).For Benjamin, “Fascism attempts to organize the newly created proletarian masses without affecting the property structure which the masses strive to eliminate.” Fascism gave “these masses not their right, but instead a chance to express themselves.” In turn, this required “the introduction of aesthetics into politics”, the objective of which was “the production of ritual values” (241). Under Adolf Hitler’s Reich, people were able to express themselves but only via the rehearsal of officially produced ritual values: by their participation in the disquisition on what Germany meant and what it meant to be German, by the aesthetic regulation of their passions. As Frederic Spotts’ fine study Hitler and the Power of Aesthetics reveals, this passionate disquisition permeated public and private life, through the artfully constructed total field of national narratives, myths, symbols and iconographies. And the ritualistic reiteration of national values in Nazi Germany hinged on two things: contempt and memory loss.By April 1945, as Berlin fell, Hitler’s contempt for the German people was at its apogee. Hitler ordered a scorched earth operation: the destruction of everything from factories to farms to food stores. The Russians would get nothing, the German people would perish. Albert Speer refused to implement the plan and remembered that “Until then… Germany and Hitler had been synonymous in my mind. But now I saw two entities opposed… A passionate love of one’s country… a leader who seemed to hate his people” (Sereny 472). But Hitler’s contempt for the German people was betrayed in the blusterous pages of Mein Kampf years earlier: “The receptivity of the great masses is very limited, their intelligence is small, but their power of forgetting is enormous” (165). On the back of this belief, Hitler launched what today would be called a culture war, with its Jewish folk devils, loathsome Marxist intellectuals, incitement of popular passions, invented traditions, historical erasures and constant iteration of values.When Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer fled Fascism, landing in the United States, their view of capitalist democracy borrowed from Benjamin and anticipated both Baudrillard and Guy Debord. In their well-know essay on “The Culture Industry”, in Dialectic of Enlightenment, they applied Benjamin’s insight on mass self-expression and the maintenance of property relations and ritual values to American popular culture: “All are free to dance and enjoy themselves”, but the freedom to choose how to do so “proves to be the freedom to choose what is always the same”, manufactured by monopoly capital (161–162). Anticipating Baudrillard, they found a society in which “only the copy appears: in the movie theatre, the photograph; on the radio, the recording” (143). And anticipating Debord’s “perfected denial of man” they found a society where work and leisure were structured by the repetition-compulsion principles of capitalism: where people became consumers who appeared “s statistics on research organization charts” (123). “Culture” came to do people’s thinking for them: “Pleasure always means not to think about anything, to forget suffering even where it is shown” (144).In this mass-mediated environment, a culture of repetitions, simulacra, billboards and flickering screens, Adorno and Horkheimer concluded that language lost its historical anchorages: “Innumerable people use words and expressions which they have either ceased to understand or employ only because they trigger off conditioned reflexes” in precisely the same way that the illusory “free” expression of passions in Germany operated, where words were “debased by the Fascist pseudo-folk community” (166).I know that the turf of the culture wars, the US and Australia, are not Fascist states; and I know that “the first one to mention the Nazis loses the argument”. I know, too, that there are obvious shortcomings in Adorno and Horkheimer’s reactions to popular culture and these have been widely criticised. However, I would suggest that there is a great deal of value still in Frankfurt School analyses of what we might call the “authoritarian popular” which can be applied to the conservative prosecution of populist culture wars today. Think, for example, how the concept of a “pseudo folk community” might well describe the earthy, common-sense public constructed and interpellated by right-wing culture warriors: America’s Joe Six-Pack, John Howard’s battlers or Kevin Rudd’s working families.In fact, Adorno and Horkheimer’s observations on language go to the heart of a contemporary culture war strategy. Words lose their history, becoming ciphers and “triggers” in a politicised lexicon. Later, Roland Barthes would write that this is a form of myth-making: “myth is constituted by the loss of the historical quality of things.” Barthes reasoned further that “Bourgeois ideology continuously transforms the products of history into essential types”, generating a “cultural logic” and an ideological re-ordering of the world (142). Types such as “neo-Marxist”, “postmodernist” and “Burkean conservative”.Surely, Benjamin’s assessment that Fascism gives “the people” the occasion to express itself, but only through “values”, describes the right’s pernicious incitement of the mythic “dispossessed mainstream” to reclaim its voice: to shout down the noisy minorities—the gays, greenies, blacks, feminists, multiculturalists and neo-Marxist postmodernists—who’ve apparently been running the show. Even more telling, Benjamin’s insight that the incitement to self-expression is connected to the maintenance of property relations, to economic power, is crucial to understanding the contemptuous conduct of culture wars.3. Jesus Dunked in Urine from Kansas to CronullaAmerican commentator Thomas Frank bases his study What’s the Matter with Kansas? on this very point. Subtitled How Conservatives Won the Heart of America, Frank’s book is a striking analysis of the indexation of Chicago School free-market reform and the mobilisation of “explosive social issues—summoning public outrage over everything from busing to un-Christian art—which it then marries to pro-business policies”; but it is the “economic achievements” of free-market capitalism, “not the forgettable skirmishes of the never-ending culture wars” that are conservatism’s “greatest monuments.” Nevertheless, the culture wars are necessary as Chicago School economic thinking consigns American communities to the rust belt. The promise of “free-market miracles” fails ordinary Americans, Frank reasons, leaving them in “backlash” mode: angry, bewildered and broke. And in this context, culture wars are a convenient form of anger management: “Because some artist decides to shock the hicks by dunking Jesus in urine, the entire planet must remake itself along the lines preferred” by nationalist, populist moralism and free-market fundamentalism (5).When John Howard received the neo-conservative American Enterprise Institute’s Irving Kristol Award, on 6 March 2008, he gave a speech in Washington titled “Sharing Our Common Values”. The nub of the speech was Howard’s revelation that he understood the index of neo-liberal economics and culture wars precisely as Thomas Frank does. Howard told the AEI audience that under his prime ministership Australia had “pursued reform and further modernisation of our economy” and that this inevitably meant “dislocation for communities”. This “reform-dislocation” package needed the palliative of a culture war, with his government preaching the “consistency and reassurance” of “our nation’s traditional values… pride in her history”; his government “became assertive about the intrinsic worth of our national identity. In the process we ended the seemingly endless seminar about that identity which had been in progress for some years.” Howard’s boast that his government ended the “seminar” on national identity insinuates an important point. “Seminar” is a culture-war cipher for intellection, just as “pride” is code for passion; so Howard’s self-proclaimed achievement, in Terry Eagleton’s terms, was to valorise “the blood and the body” over “theoretical analysis”. This speaks stratospheric contempt: ordinary people have their identity fashioned for them; they need not think about it, only feel it deeply and passionately according to “ritual values”. Undoubtedly this paved the way to Cronulla.The rubric of Howard’s speech—“Sharing Our Common Values”—was both a homage to international neo-conservatism and a reminder that culture wars are a trans-national phenomenon. In his address, Howard said that in all his “years in politics” he had not heard a “more evocative political slogan” than Ronald Reagan’s “Morning in America”—the rhetorical catch-cry for moral re-awakening that launched the culture wars. According to Lawrence Grossberg, America’s culture wars were predicated on the perception that the nation was afflicted by “a crisis of our lack of passion, of not caring enough about the values we hold… a crisis of nihilism which, while not restructuring our ideological beliefs, has undermined our ability to organise effective action on their behalf”; and this “New Right” alarmism “operates in the conjuncture of economics and popular culture” and “a popular struggle by which culture can lead politics” in the passionate pursuit of ritual values (31–2). When popular culture leads politics in this way we are in the zone of the image, myth and Adorno and Horkheimer’s “trigger words” that have lost their history. In this context, McKenzie Wark observes that “radical writers influenced by Marx will see the idea of culture as compensation for a fragmented and alienated life as a con. Guy Debord, perhaps the last of the great revolutionary thinkers of Europe, will call it “the spectacle”’ (20). Adorno and Horkheimer might well have called it “the authoritarian popular”. As Jonathan Charteris-Black’s work capably demonstrates, all politicians have their own idiolect: their personally coded language, preferred narratives and myths; their own vision of who “the people” might or should be that is conjured in their words. But the language of the culture wars is different. It is not a personal idiolect. It is a shared vocabulary, a networked vernacular, a pervasive trans-national aesthetic that pivots on the fact that words like “neo-Marxist”, “postmodern” and “Edmund Burke” have no historical or intellectual context or content: they exist as the ciphers of “values”. And the fact that culture warriors continually mouth them is a supreme act of contempt: it robs the public of its memory. And that’s why, as Lucy and Mickler’s War on Democracy so wittily argues, if there are any postmodernists left they’ll be on the right.Benjamin, Adorno, Horkheimer and, later, Debord and Grossberg understood how the political activation of the popular constitutes a hegemonic project. The result is nothing short of persuading “the people” to collaborate in its own oppression. The activation of the popular is perfectly geared to an age where the main stage of political life is the mainstream media; an age in which, Charteris-Black notes, political classes assume the general antipathy of publics to social change and act on the principle that the most effective political messages are sold to “the people” by an appeal “to familiar experiences”—market populism (10). In her substantial study The Persuaders, Sally Young cites an Australian Labor Party survey, conducted by pollster Rod Cameron in the late 1970s, in which the party’s message machine was finely tuned to this populist position. The survey also dripped with contempt for ordinary people: their “Interest in political philosophy… is very low… They are essentially the products (and supporters) of mass market commercialism”. Young observes that this view of “the people” was the foundation of a new order of political advertising and the conduct of politics on the mass-media stage. Cameron’s profile of “ordinary people” went on to assert that they are fatally attracted to “a moderate leader who is strong… but can understand and represent their value system” (47): a prescription for populist discourse which begs the question of whether the values a politician or party represent via the media are ever really those of “the people”. More likely, people are hegemonised into a value system which they take to be theirs. Writing of the media side of the equation, David Salter raises the point that when media “moguls thunder about ‘the public interest’ what they really mean is ‘what we think the public is interested in”, which is quite another matter… Why this self-serving deception is still so sheepishly accepted by the same public it is so often used to violate remains a mystery” (40).Sally Young’s Persuaders retails a story that she sees as “symbolic” of the new world of mass-mediated political life. The story concerns Mark Latham and his “revolutionary” journeys to regional Australia to meet the people. “When a political leader who holds a public meeting is dubbed a ‘revolutionary’”, Young rightly observes, “something has gone seriously wrong”. She notes how Latham’s “use of old-fashioned ‘meet-and-greet’campaigning methods was seen as a breath of fresh air because it was unlike the type of packaged, stage-managed and media-dependent politics that have become the norm in Australia.” Except that it wasn’t. “A media pack of thirty journalists trailed Latham in a bus”, meaning, that he was not meeting the people at all (6–7). He was traducing the people as participants in a media spectacle, as his “meet and greet” was designed to fill the image-banks of print and electronic media. Even meeting the people becomes a media pseudo-event in which the people impersonate the people for the camera’s benefit; a spectacle as artfully deceitful as Colin Powell’s UN performance on Iraq.If the success of this kind of “self-serving deception” is a mystery to David Salter, it would not be so to the Frankfurt School. For them, an understanding of the processes of mass-mediated politics sits somewhere near the core of their analysis of the culture industries in the “democratic” world. I think the Frankfurt school should be restored to a more important role in the project of cultural studies. Apart from an aversion to jazz and other supposedly “elitist” heresies, thinkers like Adorno, Benjamin, Horkheimer and their progeny Debord have a functional claim to provide the theory for us to expose the machinations of the politics of contempt and its aesthetic ruses.ReferencesAdorno, Theodor and Max Horkheimer. "The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception." Dialectic of Enlightenment. London: Verso, 1979. 120–167.Barthes Roland. “Myth Today.” Mythologies. Trans. Annette Lavers. St Albans: Paladin, 1972. 109–58.Baudrillard, Jean. Simulations. New York: Semiotext(e), 1983.Benjamin, Walter. “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction.” Illuminations. Ed. Hannah Arendt. Trans. Harry Zorn. New York: Schocken Books, 1969. 217–251.Burke, Edmund. Reflections on the Revolution in France. Ed. Conor Cruise O’Brien. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1969.Charteris-Black, Jonathan. Politicians and Rhetoric: The Persuasive Power of Metaphor. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.Debord, Guy. The Society of the Spectacle. Trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith. New York: Zone Books, 1994.Eagleton, Terry. The Ideology of the Aesthetic. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990.Frank, Thomas. What’s the Matter with Kansas?: How Conservatives Won the Heart of America. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2004.Grossberg, Lawrence. “It’s a Sin: Politics, Post-Modernity and the Popular.” It’s a Sin: Essays on Postmodern Politics & Culture. Eds. Tony Fry, Ann Curthoys and Paul Patton. Sydney: Power Publications, 1988. 6–71.Hewett, Jennifer. “The Opportunist.” The Weekend Australian Magazine. 25–26 October 2008. 16–22.Hitler, Adolf. Mein Kampf. Trans. Ralph Manheim. London: Pimlico, 1993.Howard, John. “Sharing Our Common Values.” Washington: Irving Kristol Lecture, American Enterprise Institute. 5 March 2008. ‹http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,25197,233328945-5014047,00html›.Lucy, Niall and Steve Mickler. The War on Democracy: Conservative Opinion in the Australian Press. Crawley: University of Western Australia Press, 2006.Pearson, Christopher. “Pray for Sense to Prevail.” The Weekend Australian. 25–26 October 2008. 30.Salter, David. The Media We Deserve: Underachievement in the Fourth Estate. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 2007. Sereny, Gitta. Albert Speer: His Battle with Truth. London: Picador, 1996.Spotts, Frederic. Hitler and the Power of Aesthetics. London: Pimlico, 2003.Wark, McKenzie. The Virtual Republic: Australia’s Culture Wars of the 1990s. St Leonards: Allen & Unwin, 1997.Young, Sally. The Persuaders: Inside the Hidden Machine of Political Advertising. Melbourne: Pluto Press, 2004.

Ellis-Newman, Jennifer. "Women and Work." M/C Journal 4, no.5 (November1, 2001). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1932.

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Women in Universities Women have been fighting for the right to participate in universities since 1873, when Sophia Jex Blake went to court with her fight to enrol at Edinburgh University. In rejecting her application, one of the judges stated: It is a belief, widely entertained, that there is a great difference in the mental constitution of the two sexes, just as there is in their physical conformation. The powers and susceptibilities of women are as noble as those of men; but they are thought to be different, and, in particular, it is considered that they have not the same power of intense labour as men .... (Scutt 224) In Australia, from the 1850s to the 1880s, both the University of Sydney and The University of Melbourne refused to admit women as students. In 1879, the Chancellor of the University of Sydney suggested that: The best course to be taken by advocates of advanced education for women, would be to found some sort of affiliated college for them in the vicinity of the University ... if there really be a widespread wish on the part of young women for a higher education ..." (Scutt 228). Having finally won the right to study at university in 1881, and to enter the academic workforce, women are still finding many of the old prejudices remain. Numerous studies have demonstrated that women's experiences in academe are qualitatively different from men's and that women are systematically paid lower salaries than men of equivalent academic achievement, age and length of service (Bagilhole 431-47; Loder 713-4; McElrath 269-81;). Studies have shown that differences in the experiences of male and female faculty are largely explained by gender (Booth & Burton 312-33; Everett 159-75; Over & Lancaster 309-18; Ready 7) and sex discrimination is highlighted as an ongoing contributor to the inequity (Allport 5-8; Hall & Swadener 1; Tuohy 8). A recent UNESCO-Commonwealth (http://www.unesco.org/) report states that: ... in spite of advances which women have made in many areas of public life in the past two decades, in the area of higher education management they are still a long way from participating on the same footing as men. With hardly an exception, the global picture is one of men outnumbering women at about five to one at middle management level and at about twenty to one at senior management level (Singh 4). The introduction in Australia of Sex Discrimination legislation (http://www.hreoc.gov.au/sex_discrimination/) in 1984 and more recently, Affirmative Action policies ( http://www.austlii.edu.au/) in employment and promotion rounds in some universities has not improved women's situation to the extent expected. In 1978, women held 16% of full time academic posts while gaining 25% of all higher degrees and 30% of undergraduate degrees (Commonwealth Government statistics cited by Over and McKenzie 61-71). In 1999, 54% of students were women yet women's participation in academe had only increased to 35% (DETYA) (http://www.deet.gov.au/). Women are mainly employed at the lowest academic levels. In 1999, 72% of women were employed at Levels A and B (Associate Lecturer/Lecturer) compared to 46% of men, with only 8% of women reaching Levels D and E (Associate Professor/Professor) compared to 26% of men. Women continue to be clustered in the traditionally female areas of Health, Education and Arts while few seem to have successfully broken through the barriers in the traditionally male areas of Engineering, Architecture or Agriculture (DETYA) (http://www.deet.gov.au/). Business has traditionally been viewed as a male preserve but enrolments have increased to the point where women almost equal men. However, the staff ratio of men to women remains very low at 70/30 (DETYA) (http://www.deet.gov.au/). The slow growth rate for women in academe belies the fact that more women than men are now completing university degrees. The purpose of this study was to determine how well the experiences of academic women in the male-dominated faculties of business and commerce, reflect the literature on women in universities, in general. Previous empirical studies have found inequitable treatment of women without necessarily exploring the processes of discrimination. The Study This study involved interviews with academic women who had been employed in faculties of business and commerce for at least five years. The research used the 'snowballing' technique: participants initially comprised women known to me but as these women told female colleagues of my study I was given the names of other women who were willing to participate. Participants comprised twenty-one women from three universities in Western Australia, two universities in New South Wales and one Victorian university. One woman had recently left academe and started her own business because of discriminatory practices she had encountered and another was contemplating leaving. In each university, women comprised a minority of the faculty and felt disadvantaged in some way. A semi-structured interview was used to explore with the women the issues that had been identified from previous studies of sex discrimination in the academic profession. Open-ended questions were used and the interviews conducted face to face, or, in the case of those interstate, via telephone or email. The women spoke frankly about their experiences. Findings and Discussion Promotion Each of the women in this study said that their university had established an internal promotion policy based on merit. However, they felt the greatest problem they had encountered in gaining promotion was in determining the criteria upon which they would be judged each year, and in meeting those criteria. "I have been chasing promotion for over five years. At first I was told that I would not be promoted until I got my masters degree so I worked really hard to complete it but then a male colleague was promoted without a masters. Once I got the masters I was told I needed to publish to be promoted but in the next year someone else was promoted without any publications. You go all out to meet the criteria each year but in the next year the promotions committee changes and so do the criteria for that year"(Lecturer applying for Senior Lecturer position). The promotion procedure at one university was explained by a Senior Lecturer who had served on promotion committees on two occasions. "There are about ten criteria upon which promotion can be based. When the applications are received we all get together to determine which are the criteria to be applied. In the last promotion round only four of the ten criteria were used so only people satisfying those criteria were selected." When asked whether the criteria were the same as the previous year she replied: "Last year there was more emphasis on qualifications and publications. This year community involvement and involvement in university affairs were judged as more important ... it varies from year to year". On questioning about the promotion procedures at their universities, women stated they were largely dissatisfied with the process, that they were presumed to be satisfied with their lot while the men were actively encouraged to apply. "I was told not to bother to apply (for a senior lecturer position) as I would not get it ... that there was a queue of people to be promoted before me - (named males) - and until they were promoted, I would not be considered" (Lecturer). "The position was advertised with a specific male applicant in mind and specifically excluded me by stating that the appointee must have supervisory experience. Women in my department are not given the opportunity to supervise students so I didn't even bother applying."(Lecturer aspiring to a Senior Lecturer position). One woman, upon inquiring why she was not promoted, was told that she should be grateful to have tenure and asked why she wanted to be promoted, anyway. "They would never have said that to a male, they would have expected a male to be working towards promotion" (Associate Lecturer). All women interviewed stated that they had problems keeping up with the 'goal posts' which moved from year to year. The 'moving of the goal posts' is one means by which universities are able to maintain the position of women at lower levels. Unsurprisingly, some women said they felt that promotion at their university was based on politics rather than merit. However, defining merit in universities is problematic. According to Burton (430), definitions of what is meritorious depend upon the power of particular groups to define it and, as a result, can change. The narrow view of merit is 'the best person for the job' which Burton (113) describes as an "overwhelming tendency to select in your own image". Burton (430) and Allport (5) claim universities define merit along male cultural lines with current selection, remuneration and career progression practices strongly influenced by an underlying gender bias. Burton (430) argues that there is still a tendency for work to be ranked as 'men's' or women's work with lower status attributed to the latter and an assumption that different skills and abilities are needed for each. Over and McKenzie (61-71) claim that women are disadvantaged by the fact that invalid merit criteria are applied to them which men as a group are more likely to satisfy. They state that the academic careers of most women do not fit the stereotypic male experience and it is mainly men who decide whether women should be promoted. At one university in the study, the merit criteria for senior lecturer include the requirement that aspirants have a number of overseas conference presentations. "Some of us are single working mothers and overseas conference attendance is out of the question because who's going to mind our children while we are away? The senior males were astonished when I mentioned that this was a problem for me. It had never occurred to them" (Associate Lecturer on why women at her university do not apply for promotion). Family Responsibilities The women commented on the numerous difficulties they had encountered in combining an academic career with responsibility for children. They felt that certain male faculty members perceived married women with children as lacking in career commitment, whereas married men with families were viewed as being more stable and committed to their careers. One married woman claimed that when she needed to go home to tend a sick child, her male Head of Department told her she should "get her priorities right". In 1992, Family Responsibility provisions were added to the Sex Discrimination Act (http://scaleplus.law.gov.au/html/pasteact/0/171/top.htm). However, it would appear that individual practice doesn't always follow as a result of changes in policy. Equal Pay On the subject of equal pay for equal work, the women said that they were often paid lower wages than their male colleagues despite having higher qualifications and equivalent teaching and research experience. Some women felt that the barriers between academic levels were used to artificially maintain the wage gap between men and women, regardless of qualifications and ability. This was felt to be particularly the case between the levels of Associate Lecturer (Level A) and Lecturer (Level B). "They find excuses to keep you at Associate Lecturer so that they can pay you less to do the same work that you would be doing as a lecturer ... lecturing, coordinating units and so on"(Associate Lecturer). "There are no men below Lecturer in my Department, either lecturing or with Masters degrees. As soon as they get their Masters they are promoted to Lecturer.... I'm coordinating units as an Associate Lecturer while some male lecturers have less responsibility' (Associate Lecturer with Masters degree and publications) Two women said that they had been performing higher level duties (Level B) for up to five years while working on their Masters but their university refused to pay them at the higher level until they had completed their degree. Even when they satisfied all the requirements for the Masters degree and had a letter from their supervisor saying they had satisfied all the requirements, the university refused to pay them until they had actually graduated, which was some time later. Shortly afterwards their university took on two men to perform the same duties, paying these at the higher level even though they had not completed a masters degree. One former lecturer claimed that she was employed at a time when there was a large turnover of staff in her department. A number of new staff were appointed of whom she was the only female. Although she and the other new staff were all employed at Lecturer Level B, it wasn't until later on that she discovered that the men were appointed at the top of the Lecturer salary scale while she was appointed at the bottom, with a salary differential of about10 000pa. This was despite the fact that both she and the men had similar qualifications and work experience at commencement. Teaching Loads Another complaint by women concerned inequitable teaching loads. An analysis in one Business School showed that women had higher teaching loads while men were given more time off for research. The women complained that the supervision of post-graduate students was divided up between the men, and women were excluded. Since research publication and student supervision are usually the most highly ranked criteria in academic promotion rounds, women who are not given the opportunity to participate in these areas are disadvantaged when applying for promotion. This problem is compounded since women are overwhelmingly employed at the lower levels where responsibility for the majority of teaching takes place. This leaves them with little time left to devote to research even if given the opportunity. The women also said they were often pressured into taking on higher duties than those prescribed in the Position Classification Standards for their level. They tended to acquiesce because of their need to prove they were better than men to gain promotion. One woman said that the extra administrative duties she had been given meant that she had less time for research which actually reduced her prospects for tenure and promotion. She said she didn't dare complain as the men in her department would use it as an excuse to question her commitment to her job. Conclusion An examination of women's perceptions and experiences in the workplace can help us understand the informal processes that work against women. The experiences of the women discussed in this paper provide an insight into the subtle processes that continue to operate in some higher education institutions to prevent women from reaching their full potential. Although equal opportunity legislation (http://www.hreoc.gov.au/about_the_commission/legislation/index.html) has been enacted to prevent discrimination and disadvantage to women, the implementation of policy does not always filter through to the operational levels. It is still possible to circumvent legislation in subtle ways, perhaps without even being aware that these practices are discriminative. The women in this study spoke frankly about their experiences and the difficulties they had encountered in gaining equal recognition to men, with very few satisfied that they were receiving equitable treatment. The women felt that their work was not valued as highly as that of the men they worked with and they were given less opportunities for advancement. Overall, the interviews with the women revealed interesting insights into their experiences in pursuing academic careers and in trying to gain recognition for their achievements. The collective experiences of the women provide an insight into the subtle ways in which disadvantage can be engendered. The findings of this study have serious implications for university administrators, particularly deans and heads of schools. There are many well-qualified women academics and universities cannot afford to overlook the valuable contribution these women can make to teaching, research and university governance. References Allport, Caroline. "Improving Gender Equity: Using Industrial Bargaining". NTEU Frontline4.1 (1996): 5-8. Bacchi, Carol. "The Brick Wall: Why So Few Women Become Senior Academics". Australian Universities Review36.1 (1993): 36-41. Bagilhole, Barbara. "Survivors in a Male Preserve: A Study of British Women Academics' Experiences and Perceptions of Discrimination in a UK University". Higher Education26 (1993): 431-47. Booth, Alison, and Jonathon Burton. "The Position of Women in UK Academic Economics". The Economic Journal110.464 (2000): 312-33. Burton, Clare. "Merit and Gender: Organisations and the Mobilisation of Masculine Bias." Australian Journal of Social Issues22 (1987): 424-35. Burton, Clare. An Equity Review of Staffing Policies and Associated Decision-making at Edith Cowan University. Report commissioned by ECU. 1994. DETYA. Selected Higher Education Statistics. 1999. Everett, James. "Sex, Rank and Qualifications at Australian Universities". Australian Journal of Management19.2 (1994): 159-75. Hall, Elaine, and Beth Blue Swadener. "Chilly Climate: A Study of Subtle Sex Discrimination at a State University". Initiatives (Online)59.3 (2000): 1. Loder, Natasha. "US Science Shocked by Revelations of Sexual Discrimination". Nature405.6787 (2000): 713-4. McElrath, Karen. "Gender, Career Disruption and Academic Rewards". Journal of Higher Education63.3 (1992): 269-81. Over, Ray, and Sandra Lancaster. "The Early Career Patterns of Men and Women in Australian Universities". The Australian Journal of Education28.3 (1984): 309-18. Over, Ray, and Beryl Mckenzie. "Career Prospects for Women in Australian Universities". Journal of Tertiary Educational Administration7.1 (1985): 61-71. Ready, Tinker. "West Coast US Recognizes Academic Gender Bias". Nature Medicine 7.1 (2000): 1. Scutt, Jocelyn. The Sexual Gerrymander.The Law Printer, 1994. Singh, Jasbir. "Women and Management in Higher Education: A Commonwealth Project." A.C.U. Bulletin of Current Documentation. 133 (1998): 2-8. Tuohy, John. "Sex Discrimination Infects Med Schools: Women Say Bias Blocks Chances for Advancement". USA Today2000. 8. Links http://www.unesco.org/ http://www.deet.gov.au/ http://www.hreoc.gov.au/sex_discrimination/ http://www.hreoc.gov.au/about_the_commission/legislation/index.html http://www.austlii.edu.au/cgibin/disp.pl/au/legis/cth/consol%5fact/aaeofwa 1986634/?query=title+%28+%22affirmative+action%22+%29 http://scaleplus.law.gov.au/html/pasteact/0/171/top.htm Citation reference for this article MLA Style Ellis-Newman, Jennifer. "Women and Work" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4.5 (2001). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Ellis-Newman.xml >. Chicago Style Ellis-Newman, Jennifer, "Women and Work" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4, no. 5 (2001), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Ellis-Newman.xml > ([your date of access]). APA Style Ellis-Newman, Jennifer. (2001) Women and Work. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4(5). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Ellis-Newman.xml > ([your date of access]).

Watson, Greg. "Sites of Protest: Rethinking Everyday Spaces as Sites for Protesting the Marginalisation of Difference." M/C Journal 21, no.3 (August15, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1426.

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IntroductionContemporary societies are increasingly becoming sites in which it is more difficult for people to respectfully negotiate disagreements about human diversity. This is exemplified by people who must oppose oppressive social conventions that marginalise them because they identify as belonging to one or more minority groups. One of the key factors in this dynamic is how people’s being in particular sites impacts their being as a person. The “fate of the stranger” is shaped by the spaces they inhabit and people are labelled as “insiders or outsiders” (Amin Land 2); for many people this means our societies are sites of dissatisfaction. For example, in some sites asylum seekers and refugees are referred to as “co-habitant and potential citizen,” while in other sites they are referred to as “impure and threats” (Amin Land 2). This process of defining a person’s being is also experienced by people who are “multi-abled, multi-sexed, multi-sexual, or multi-faith” (Garbutt 275). This article provides a reading of the Human Library in relation to contemporary understandings of space from human geographers such as Ash Amin, as a way of rethinking our everyday spaces as sites for protesting the marginalisation of difference. It primarily draws on my researching and organising Human Libraries across Australia.Protest can employ both instrumental and expressive forms of activism. Instrumental activism aims to change law or policy, gain improvements in living conditions, and win important human services. Expressive activism is often understood as a continuum of political acts extending from lawful demonstrations through to violent activities. Recent studies demonstrate that protest has developed beyond such conventional forms (Dalton, Van Sickle, and Weldon). Contemporary protest includes such things as: acts of spontaneity (Snow and Moss); advocating rights via cultural rather than political protest (Bruce); and activating spatial politics by engaging in urban public spaces to highlight long-standing socio-spatial inequalities (Marom).These examples demonstrate the tension that exists within contemporary protest. While some people accuse expressive activism of being “a thing-for-itself that is not aimed at producing results”, others recognise that “both expressive and instrumental activism are necessary and important” (Maddison and Scalmer 69-71). Far from being self-interested, protest that adopts expressive activism offers its practitioners an important tool:Expressive activism is oriented towards the construction, reconstruction and/or transformation of norms, values, identities and ways of living and being. It is not just about ‘who we are’ […] but also about ‘how we are’ in the world, consequently requiring evaluation of ‘what we do’ and ‘how we do it’. (Stammers 164-165)This understanding of expressive activism provides a useful lens for reading the Human Library as a means of rethinking everyday spaces as sites for protesting the marginalisation of difference. This is particularly so because the Human Library, as an activist organisation dedicated to increasing respect for difference, is situated within the contemporary anti-prejudice movement (Stammers; Chesters and Welsh; Watson "'You Shouldn't Have to Suffer'").Introducing the Human LibraryHuman Libraries transform the spaces provided by traditional libraries into spaces that challenge contemporary socio-spatial dynamics. Human Libraries provide people (Readers) with a safe space in which they can choose another person (a volunteer known as a Human Book) and engage in a conversation or ‘reading’ about the way that people perceive and experience difference. Readers choose their Human Books from a catalogue of titles and descriptions which are developed by each Human Book.and express something about how they identify. For example, titles include such things as belonging to sexual minority groups, living with physical or mental impairment, or belonging to different ethnic and cultural backgrounds. Each ‘reading’ is defined by three rules: 1) you may raise any topic or ask any question; 2) a ‘reading’ is a dialogue so Human Books ask their Readers questions too; and 3) each person may decline to answer any question and to end the reading at any time. Using this method, Human Libraries protest the way in which socio-spatial norms marginalise people who are different. They enact a form of expressive activism that reconstructs the way that norms are used in local sites to marginalise different ways of living and being. This reconstruction of the relationship between norms and sites enables people to be “who we are” and “how we are” without having to be inauthentic about “what we do” and “how we do it” (Stammers 164-165).The first Human Library took place at the Roskilde Festival (Denmark) in the summer of 2000 and as an international activist organisation within the anti-prejudice movement, has since become active in over 80 countries and used in a variety of local community sites thus demonstrating its ability to “transcend borders and be adapted to different situations” (Abergel et al. 13). It now operates in such diverse settings as local libraries, universities, schools, music and cultural festivals and workplaces. Participants’ (Organisers, Readers and Human Books) reflections on their experiences of engaging in Human Libraries helps to illustrate how they perceive Human Libraries as sites that challenge socio-spatial norms.Human Libraries enable people to create sites that reverse our usual social interactions. The following phrases, used by participants to describe their contact with the Human Library, illustrate this. An Organiser, whose local government job requires her to develop projects that encourage interactions between in-groups and out-groups, explains that Human Libraries bring people who usually live “on the margins […] into the centre of the page” and that “the powerful people […] who are usually in the centre” are required to listen to different experiences. Likewise, Human Books describe themselves as being “totally open” in order to encourage their Readers to ask about topics that society labels as “taboo”. Readers illustrate how they encounter Human Libraries in ways that the other spaces in their day-to-day lives function. One Reader talks about “stumbling upon” a Human Library within a community event and describes this as “a kind of a stroke of brilliance to catch people at a place like that rather than in a more conventional library setting”. Other Readers emphasise the significance of this type of encounter when they explain that they “probably wouldn’t just go and bother someone in the street” and that participating in a Human Library has provided a type of conversation “that doesn’t happen in any other way”. The outcome of this is highlighted by a Reader who explains that she pushed herself “to go beyond […] just a polite social conversation” because the Human Library “lays it all out there and says, we’re here to talk” (Watson "'You Shouldn't Have to Suffer'" 124-132). These descriptions of people’s experiences of Human Libraries demonstrate how they perceive Human Libraries as spaces that enable them to have conversations with people they would not normally speak to about topics they would usually feel unable to speak about. Their examples are better appreciated when considered along with the scholarship on the interconnectedness of space and intergroup relations.The Interconnectedness of Space and Intergroup RelationsA multiplicity of spaces shape people’s everyday lives. The everyday refers to the “flow of routine” often defined by such mundane habitual practices as going to work, crossing streets and shopping (Dirksmeier and Helbrecht 495). Who a person is, where a person lives, the spaces a person can enter and move about, and how a person is treated in those spaces are intertwined. Belonging is not an abstract concept; as people move in and out of different spaces they demonstrate how belonging is “experienced differentially, and the pleasures and powers it confers are not distributed evenly but [are] linked to relations of inequality and practices of social exclusion” (Noble and Poynting 490). This warns us against romanticizing the urban space of the city and regarding it over-simplistically as neutral and accessible to all, as a space of open flow and untroubled human interaction and as a natural catalyst for proximate reflexivity (Noble and Poynting; Amin and Thrift; Amin Land; Priest et al.).Acknowledging the negative impacts inherent in the interconnectedness of the city and intergroup relations, some scholars have moved their attention from examining integration at the macrospatial level of society to studying the microecology of segregation (Clack, Dixon, and Tredoux; Dixon, Tredoux and Clack; Alexander and Tredoux; Priest et al.; Thomas; Dandy and Pe-Pua; Dixon and Durrheim; Durrheim et al.). This shifts the focus from a primary interest in the city and the neighbourhood to a closer examination of people’s everyday life spaces. This focus examines how members of different groups “share proximity and co-presence” (Clack, Dixon, and Tredoux 2) and engage in informal practices that uphold barriers (Alexander and Tredoux; Dixon and Durrheim). For example, people were observed as they shared spaces such as beaches, school cafeterias and university class rooms and were found to use these spaces in ways that enacted segregation along lines of race, ethnicity, age, and gender. In examples such as these, everyday life spaces are seen to function in ways that (re)instate borders around difference through everyday spatial practices and they act as sites in which “informal segregation practices can be enacted and reproduced” (Priest et al. 32). The shift in scholarly interest to the microecology of segregation serves my interest in how we might use everyday spaces as sites to contest segregation. The following discusses three everyday spaces that serve this interest.The Space of the Everyday UrbanThe macrospatial terrain of the world’s cities and towns is increasingly defined by difference and their public spaces are often spaces of “visibility and encounter between strangers” (Amin "Ethnicity" 967). Negotiating difference is a natural part of living in these large urban spaces and it is an increasingly more common experience in, what was previously, the typically hom*ogenous setting of rural communities. This process of negotiation occurs most noticeably within the microecology of the “everyday urban,” a context defined by the interconnection of everyday spaces and intergroup relations (Alexander and Tredoux; Durrheim et al.; Dixon and Durrheim). It is here that we find “the micropolitics of everyday social contact and encounter” (Amin "Ethnicity" 959). These everyday spaces include our streets, parks, malls, and cafes, and they are often described as shared spaces of freedom, mingling, and serendipitous encounters. However, while spaces such as these can place people from diverse backgrounds and groups in close proximity, it is important not to overstate their effectiveness in helping people negotiate difference (Wise; Noble "Cosmopolitan Habits"; Priest et al.; Valentine "Living"). This is the case because urban public spaces can carry a reverse side to the provision of proximity. They are often “spaces of transit with very little contact between strangers” (Amin "Ethnicity" 967). As such, urban public spaces do not naturally serve our need to negotiate our everyday encounters with others (Amin and Thrift; Amin, Massey, and Thrift; Rosaldo; Amin "Ethnicity").This illuminates the need to rethink our everyday public spaces and start to unsettle and shift how some spaces act to perpetuate negative and habitual socio-spatial norms which encourage avoidance rather than provide spaces to contest inequality and inequity (Alexander and Tredoux; Durrheim et al.; Clack, Dixon, and Tredoux; Dixon and Durrheim; Wise). Participants at Human Libraries demonstrate that they recognise this when they explain that they do not feel able to approach and speak with people who are different in everyday spaces such as the street, public transport and shops. They point out that they feel that socio-spatial norms dictate that it is rude, impolite or intrusive to approach strangers and people who are different in public spaces and to begin a conversation, especially about difference (Watson "'You Shouldn't Have to Suffer'"). Examples such as this signal how everyday urban spaces embody socio-spatial norms and practices that impede people’s capacity to engage in everyday acts that protest the marginalisation of difference. This clarifies why “even in the most carefully designed and inclusive spaces, the marginalised and the prejudiced stay away” (Amin "Ethnicity" 968). This alerts us to the need to better appreciate what occurs in other everyday spaces in which people associate even more closely.Spaces and the MicropublicOther everyday spaces in which people spend a significant amount of time are spaces of association, referred to as micropublics (Amin "Ethnicity"; Noble "Cosmopolitan Habits"). They include those places in which we work, study, play sports, and recreate. Micropublics function as spaces of habitual engagement, interdependence and “prosaic negotiations” (Amin "Ethnicity" 969). For example, we attend our place of work on a daily basis which requires us to communicate and interact with our colleagues as well as navigate other forms of elementary social etiquette. In this way, micropublics often bring people from diverse backgrounds and identity groups together in spaces that require them to interact with people who are different to themselves. In practice, however, the contact people undertake in their micropublics tends to be illusory and includes practices of informal segregation (Dixon and Durrheim; Alexander and Tredoux; Clack, Dixon, and Tredoux). This highlights that “co-presence and collaboration are two very different things” and that micropublics do not immediately serve as sites for protesting the marginalisation of difference (Amin Land 59).Participants at Human Libraries share experiences taken from their own work places and schools and suggest that the codes of civility that are enforced within these micropublics make it difficult, if not impossible, to engage in certain conversations. For example, Readers at Human Libraries disclose that they do not feel comfortable discussing issues of physical impairment or mental illness with colleagues who live with disability and mental illness. Similarly, high school students explain that they feel unable to discuss what it means to be gay, lesbian or bisexual with their fellow-students who identity as LGBTQI (Watson "'You Shouldn't Have to Suffer'"). Examples such as these demonstrate how micropublics embody “degrees and modalities of familiarity and strangeness” (Noble "Strange Familiarities" 33) and that even though they may embody degrees of collaboration and contribute to a shift in the way people develop various forms of familiarity, they do not naturally lend themselves to protesting the way in which codes of civility camouflage disrespect for difference. These experiences alert us to the way that our everyday spaces and the norms attached to them contribute to defining what it means to be and to belong.Spaces and BeingPeople’s experiences of marginalisation in public spaces illuminates how people’s freedom to be in particular spaces and their being – their humanity – are intimately connected. This happens as people who are made to feel that they should not be in a space are sent the message that they do not have the right to be at all (Noble and Poynting). Valentine ("Prejudice" 531) explains how this is demonstrated by the way some people speak about other people who are different in relation to public and private spaces:Individuals stated that they believed in individual freedom and were not prejudiced against minority groups and yet saw no contradiction in then expressing hostility towards seeing lesbians and gay men kissing on the street, or women wearing the hijab in their neighbourhood or feeling uncomfortable at the sight of a disabled person in public or being inconvenienced by disabled access provisions.This response reveals how some people frame acceptance of minority groups using the criteria of invisibility and how spatial norms define “appropriate embodied ways of being in public space” (Valentine "Prejudice" 532). This exemplifies how some people regard it as tolerable for minority groups to express their difference at home but not in public because this would be considered as imposing “their way of life” upon majority people, thus transgressing spatial norms about appropriate embodied ways of being in public spaces.People who participate at Human Libraries as Readers illustrate this dynamic when they share how, during the course of their everyday lives, they have come in contact with people with disabilities or met people who identify as gay, lesbian or transgender and have recognised negative feelings within themselves such as discomfort, embarrassment, or have refused to recognise a person’s authentic identity. They also admit to hiding these feelings in public but expressing them once they return home (Watson "'You Shouldn't Have to Suffer'"; Kudo et al.). Similarly, people who volunteer as Human Books speak about their experiences of being in public spaces and feeling unsafe or the target of negative treatment. For example, Human Books who identify as gay comment that they need to do a “safety check” before showing signs of physical affection in public; Human Books whose physical appearance does not align with social constructs of gender relate that they have been banned from using public toilets; and Human Books with eating disorders speak about being labelled as “crazy” (Watson "'You Shouldn't Have to Suffer'"; Watson "Being a Human Book"). Behaviours such as these demonstrate how people who are different are defined and treated as lesser beings in public spaces and are relegated to segregated micropublics such as their homes as well as groups and clubs dedicated to particular minorities.Conclusion: Rethinking Our SpacesThe above discussion includes a number of findings that are informative when thinking about how our everyday spaces might act as sites for protesting the marginalisation of difference. The following offers a concluding discussion about how we might approach such a project, paying particular attention to what we can learn from the Human Library.Firstly, Human Libraries exemplify the need to develop sites that protest the way in which our everyday public spaces do not naturally serve our need to negotiate our everyday encounter with difference (Noble and Poynting; Amin and Thrift; Amin Strangers; Priest et al.). Readers indicate that Human Libraries are spaces that make it possible for them to meet people they don’t feel able to approach in other everyday public spaces. As such, Human Libraries illuminate the importance of developing sites that protest social and spatial norms by enabling “encounter between strangers” (Amin "Ethnicity" 967).Secondly, Human Libraries protest the space of the micropublic as sites that are illusory, superficial, and bearers of informal segregation (Clack, Dixon, and Tredoux; Dixon, Tredoux and Clack; Alexander and Tredoux; Priest et al.; Thomas; Dandy and Pe-Pua; Dixon and Durrheim; Durrheim et al.). They achieve this by being sites in which no topic or question is taboo and that welcome and value respectful conversations about difference. Readers are able to speak to Human Books about differences such as what it is like to live with physical impairment, to be lesbian and/or to be an immigrant or a refugee. Their conversations are much deeper than the superficial conversations they feel restricted to within the confines of their everyday micropublics which enables them to protest codes of civility that render conversations about the marginalisation of difference as unacceptable (Watson "'You Shouldn't Have to Suffer'"; Watson "Being a Human Book").Thirdly, Human Libraries provide sites that protest the way in which other spaces define people who are different as lesser beings because Human Libraries are spaces in which every person has the right to be their authentic self. They are spaces that make it possible for people to be 'who we are’ by authentically being ‘how we are’ (Stammers 164-165). They shed a light on the way that a person’s being is sometimes distorted by how they experience being in a particular space and in doing so protest spatial norms that divide, marginalise and diminish people by marginalising them via the criteria of invisibility (Clack, Dixon, and Tredoux; Dixon and Durrheim; Thomas). For this reason, Human Libraries can be regarded as safe spaces to meet people who are different and bring people from the margins of society to its centre as sites that protest the marginalisation of difference.ReferencesAbergel, Ronni, et al. Don't Judge a Book by Its Cover? The Living Library Organiser's Guide. Budapest: Council of Europe 2005.Alexander, Lameez, and Colin Tredoux. "The Spaces between Us: A Spatial Analysis of Informal Segregation at a South African University." Journal of Social Issues 66.2 (2010): 367-86.Amin, Ash. "Ethnicity and the Multicultural City: Living with Diversity." Environment and Planning A 34.6 (2002): 959-80.———. Land of Strangers. Cambridge: Polity, 2012.———, D. Massey, and Nigel Thrift. Cities for the Many Not the Few. Bristol: Policy P, 2000.———, and Nigel Thrift. Cities: Reimagining the Urban. Cambridge: Polity, 2002.Bruce, Katherine Mcfarland. "LGBT Pride as a Cultural Protest Tactic in a Southern City." Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 42.5 (2013): 608-35.Clack, Beverley, John Dixon, and Colin Tredoux. "Eating Together Apart: Patterns of Segregation in a Multi-Ethnic Cafeteria." Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology 15.1 (2005): 1-16.Dalton, Russell, Alix Van Sickle, and Steven Weldon. "The Individual–Institutional Nexus of Protest Behaviour." Brit. J. Polit. Sci. 40.1 (2010): 51-73.Dandy, Justine, and Rogelia Pe-Pua. "Beyond Mutual Acculturation." Zeitschrift für Psychologie 221.4 (2013): 232-41.Dirksmeier, Peter, and Ilse Helbrecht. "Everyday Urban Encounters as Stratification Practices." City 19.4 (2015): 486-98.Dixon, John, and Kevin Durrheim. "Contact and the Ecology of Racial Division: Some Varieties of Informal Segregation." British Journal of Social Psychology 42.1 (2003): 1-23.———, Colin Tredoux, and Beverley Clack. "On the Micro-Ecology of Racial Division: A Neglected Dimension of Segregation." South African Journal of Psychology 35.3 (2005): 395-411.Durrheim, Kevin, et al. "From Exclusion to Informal Segregation: The Limits to Racial Transformation at the University of Natal." Social Dynamics 30.1 (2004): 141-69.Garbutt, Rob. "The Living Library: Some Theoretical Approaches to a Strategy for Activating Human Rights and Peace." Activating Human Rights and Peace: Universal Responsibility Conference 2008 Conference Proceedings. Ed. Rob Garbutt.Kudo, Kazuhiro, et al. "Bridging Difference through Dialogue: Preliminary Findings of the Outcomes of the Human Library in a University Setting." 2011 Shanghai International Conference on Social Science. Maddison, Sarah, and Sean Scalmer. Activist Wisdom: Practical Knowledge and Creative Tension in Social Movements. Sydney: UNSW P, 2006.Marom, Nathan. "Activising Space: The Spatial Politics of the 2011 Protest Movement in Israel." Urban Studies 50.13 (2013): 2826-41.Noble, Greg. "Cosmopolitan Habits: The Capacities and Habitats of Intercultural Conviviality." Body & Society 19.2-3 (2013): 162-85.———. "Strange Familiarities: A Response to Ash Amin's Land of Strangers." Identities 20.1 (2013): 31-36.———, and Scott Poynting. "White Lines: The Intercultural Politics of Everyday Movement in Social Spaces." Journal of Intercultural Studies 31.5 (2010): 489-505.Priest, Naomi, et al. "Patterns of Intergroup Contact in Public Spaces: Micro-Ecology of Segregation in Australian Communities." Societies 4.1 (2014): 30-44.Rosaldo, R. "Cultural Citizenship, Inequality and Multiculturalism." Race, Identity, and Citizenship. Eds. R. Torres, L. Miron, and J. Inda. Oxford: Blackwell, 1999.Snow, David A., and Dana M. Moss. "Protest on the Fly: Toward a Theory of Spontaneity in the Dynamics of Protest and Social Movements." American Sociological Review 79.6 (2014): 1122-43.Stammers, Neil. Human Rights and Social Movements. London: Pluto P, 2009.Thomas, Mary E. "‘I Think It's Just Natural’: The Spatiality of Racial Segregation at a US High School." Environment and Planning A 37.7 (2005): 1233-48.Valentine, Gill. "Living with Difference: Reflections on Geographies of Encounter." Progress in Human Geography 32.3 (2008): 323-37.———. "Prejudice: Rethinking Geographies of Oppression." Social & Cultural Geography 11.6 (2010): 519-37.Watson, Greg. "Being a Human Book: Conversations for Rupturing Prejudice." Rites of Spring. Ed. Julie Lunn. Perth: Black Swan P, 2017.———. "'You Shouldn't Have to Suffer for Being Who You Are': An Examination of the Human Library Strategy for Challenging Prejudice and Increasing Respect for Difference." Curtin University, 2015.Wise, Amanda. "Hope in a Land of Strangers." Identities 20.1 (2013): 37-45.

Provençal, Johanne. "Ghosts in Machines and a Snapshot of Scholarly Journal Publishing in Canada." M/C Journal 11, no.4 (July1, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.45.

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The ideas put forth here do not fit perfectly or entirely into the genre and form of what has established itself as the scholarly journal article. What is put forth, instead, is a juxtaposition of lines of thinking about the scholarly and popular in publishing, past, present and future. As such it may indeed be quite appropriate to the occasion and the questions raised in the call for papers for this special issue of M/C Journal. The ideas put forth here are intended as pieces of an ever-changing puzzle of the making public of scholarship, which, I hope, may in some way fit with both the work of others in this special issue and in the discourse more broadly. The first line of thinking presented takes the form of an historical overview of publishing as context to consider a second line of thinking about the current status and future of publishing. The historical context serves as reminder (and cause for celebration) that publishing has not yet perished, contrary to continued doomsday sooth-saying that has come with each new medium since the advent of print. Instead, publishing has continued to transform and it is precisely the transformation of print, print culture and reading publics that are the focus of this article, in particular, in relation to the question of the boundaries between the scholarly and the popular. What follows is a juxtaposition that is part of an investigation in progress. Presented first, therefore, is a mapping of shifts in print culture from the time of Gutenberg to the twentieth century; second, is a contemporary snapshot of the editorial mandates of more than one hundred member journals of the Canadian Association of Learned Journals (CALJ). What such juxtaposition is able to reveal is open to interpretation, of course. And indeed, as I proceed in my investigation of publishing past, present and future, my interpretations are many. The juxtaposition raises a number of issues: of communities of readers and the cultures of reading publics; of privileged and marginalised texts (as well as their authors and their readers); of access and reach (whether in terms of what is quantifiable or in a much more subtle but equally important sense). In Canada, at present, these issues are also intertwined with changes to research funding policies and some attention is given at the end of this article to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada and its recent/current shift in funding policy. Curiously, current shifts in funding policies, considered alongside an historical overview of publishing, would suggest that although publishing continues to transform, at the same time, as they say, plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose. Republics of Letters and Ghosts in Machines Republics of Letters that formed after the advent of the printing press can be conjured up as distant and almost mythical communities of elite literates, ghosts almost lost in a Gutenberg galaxy that today encompasses (and is embodied in) schools, bookshelves, and digital archives in many places across the globe. Conjuring up ghosts of histories past seems always to reveal ironies, and indeed some of the most interesting ironies of the Gutenberg galaxy involve McLuhanesque reversals or, if not full reversals, then in the least some notably sharp turns. There is a need to define some boundaries (and terms) in the framing of the tracing that follows. Given that the time frame in question spans more than five hundred years (from the advent of Gutenberg’s printing press in the fifteenth century to the turn of the 21st century), the tracing must necessarily be done in broad strokes. With regard to what is meant by the “making public of scholarship” in this paper, by “making public” I refer to accounts historians have given in their attempts to reconstruct a history of what was published either in the periodical press or in books. With regard to scholarship (and the making public of it), as with many things in the history of publishing (or any history), this means different things in different times and in different places. The changing meanings of what can be termed “scholarship” and where and how it historically has been made public are the cornerstones on which this article (and a history of the making public of scholarship) turn. The structure of this paper is loosely chronological and is limited to the print cultures and reading publics in France, Britain, and what would eventually be called the US and Canada, and what follows here is an overview of changes in how scholarly and popular texts and publics are variously defined over the course of history. The Construction of Reading Publics and Print Culture In any consideration of “print culture” and reading publics, historical or contemporary, there are two guiding principles that historians suggest should be kept in mind, and, though these may seem self-evident, they are worth stating explicitly (perhaps precisely because they seem self-evident). The first is a reminder from Adrian Johns that “the very identity of print itself has had to be made” (2 italics in original). Just as the identity of print cultures are made, similarly, a history of reading publics and their identities are made, by looking to and interpreting such variables as numbers and genres of titles published and circulated, dates and locations of collections, and information on readers’ experiences of texts. Elizabeth Eisenstein offers a reminder of the “widely varying circ*mstances” (92) of the print revolution and an explicit acknowledgement of such circ*mstances provides the second, seemingly self-evident guiding principle: that the construction of reading publics and print culture must not only be understood as constructed, but also that such constructions ought not be understood as uniform. The purpose of the reconstructions of print cultures and reading publics presented here, therefore, is not to arrive at final conclusions, but rather to identify patterns that prove useful in better understanding the current status (and possible future) of publishing. The Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries—Boom, then Busted by State and Church In search of what could be termed “scholarship” following the mid-fifteenth century boom of the early days of print, given the ecclesiastical and state censorship in Britain and France and the popularity of religious texts of the 15th and 16th centuries, arguably the closest to “scholarship” that we can come is through the influence of the Italian Renaissance and the revival and translation (into Latin, and to a far lesser extent, vernacular languages) of the classics and indeed the influence of the Italian Renaissance on the “print revolution” is widely recognised by historians. Historians also recognise, however, that it was not long until “the supply of unpublished texts dried up…[yet for authors] to sell the fruits of their intellect—was not yet common practice before the late 16th century” (Febvre and Martin 160). Although this reference is to the book trade in France, in Britain, and in the regions to become the US and Canada, reading of “pious texts” was similarly predominant in the early days of print. Yet, the humanist shift throughout the 16th century is evidenced by titles produced in Paris in the first century of print: in 1501, in a total of 88 works, 53 can be categorised as religious, with 25 categorised as Latin, Greek, or Humanist authors; as compared to titles produced in 1549, in a total of 332 titles, 56 can be categorised as religious with 204 categorised as Latin, Greek, or Humanist authors (Febvre and Martin 264). The Seventeenth Century—Changes in the Political and Print Landscape In the 17th century, printers discovered that their chances of profitability (and survival) could be improved by targeting and developing a popular readership through the periodical press (its very periodicity and relative low cost both contributed to its accessibility by popular publics) in Europe as well as in North America. It is worthwhile to note, however, that “to the end of the seventeenth century, both literacy and leisure were virtually confined to scholars and ‘gentlemen’” (Steinberg 119) particularly where books were concerned and although literacy rates were still low, through the “exceptionally literate villager” there formed “hearing publics” who would have printed texts read to them (Eisenstein 93). For the literate members of the public interested not only in improving their social positions through learning, but also with intellectual (or spiritual or existential) curiosity piqued by forbidden books, it is not surprising that Descartes “wrote in French to a ‘lay audience … open to new ideas’” (Jacob 41). The 17th century also saw the publication of the first scholarly journals. There is a tension that becomes evident in the seventeenth century that can be seen as a tension characteristic of print culture, past and present: on the one hand, the housing of scholarship in scholarly journals as a genre distinct from the genre of the popular periodicals can be interpreted as a continued pattern of (elitist) divide in publics (as seen earlier between the oral and the written word, between Latin and the vernacular, between classic texts and popular texts); while, on the other hand, some thinkers/scholars of the day had an interest in reaching a wider audience, as printers always had, which led to the construction and fragmentation of audiences (whether the printer’s market for his goods or the scholar’s marketplace of ideas). The Eighteenth Century—Republics of Letters Become Concrete and Visible The 18th century saw ever-increasing literacy rates, early copyright legislation (Statute of Anne in 1709), improved printing technology, and ironically (or perhaps on the contrary, quite predictably) severe censorship that in effect led to an increased demand for forbidden books and a vibrant and international underground book trade (Darnton and Roche 138). Alongside a growing book trade, “the pulpit was ultimately displaced by the periodical press” (Eisenstein 94), which had become an “established institution” (Steinberg 125). One history of the periodical press in France finds that the number of periodicals (to remain in publication for three or more years) available to the reading public in 1745 numbered 15, whereas in 1785 this increased to 82 (Censer 7). With regard to scholarly periodicals, another study shows that between 1790 and 1800 there were 640 scientific-technological periodicals being published in Europe (Kronick 1961). Across the Atlantic, earlier difficulties in cultivating intellectual life—such as haphazard transatlantic exchange and limited institutions for learning—began to give way to a “republic of letters” that was “visible and concrete” (Hall 417). The Nineteenth Century—A Second Boom and the Rise of the Periodical Press By the turn of the 19th century, visible and concrete republics of letters become evident on both sides of the Atlantic in the boom in book publishing and in the periodical press, scholarly and popular. State and church controls on printing/publishing had given way to the press as the “fourth estate” or a free press as powerful force. The legislation of public education brought increased literacy rates among members of successive generations. One study of literacy rates in Britain, for example, shows that in the period from 1840–1870 literacy rates increased by 35–70 per cent; then from 1870–1900, literacy increased by 78–261 per cent (Mitch 76). Further, with the growth and changes in universities, “history, languages and literature and, above all, the sciences, became an established part of higher education for the first time,” which translated into growing markets for book publishers (Feather 117). Similarly the periodical press reached ever-increasing and numerous reading publics: one estimate of the increase finds the publication of nine hundred journals in 1800 jumping to almost sixty thousand in 1901 (Brodman, cited in Kronick 127). Further, the important role of the periodical press in developing communities of readers was recognised by publishers, editors and authors of the time, something equally recognised by present-day historians describing the “generic mélange of the periodical … [that] particularly lent itself to the interpenetration of language and ideas…[and] the verbal and conceptual interconnectedness of science, politics, theology, and literature” (Dawson, Noakes and Topham 30). Scientists recognised popular periodicals as “important platforms for addressing a non-specialist but culturally powerful public … [they were seen as public] performances [that] fulfilled important functions in making the claims of science heard among the ruling élite” (Dawson et al. 11). By contrast, however, the scholarly journals of the time, while also increasing in number, were becoming increasingly specialised along the same disciplinary boundaries being established in the universities, fulfilling a very different function of forming scholarly and discipline-specific discourse communities through public (published) performances of a very different nature. The Twentieth Century—The Tension Between Niche Publics and Mass Publics The long-existing tension in print culture between the differentiation of reading publics on the one hand, and the reach to ever-expanding reading publics on the other, in the twentieth century becomes a tension between what have been termed “niche-marketing” and “mass marketing,” between niche publics and mass publics. What this meant for the making public of scholarship was that the divides between discipline-specific discourse communities (and their corresponding genres) became more firmly established and yet, within each discipline, there was further fragmentation and specialisation. The niche-mass tension also meant that although in earlier print culture, “the lines of demarcation between men of science, men of letters, and scientific popularizers were far from clear, and were constantly being renegotiated” (Dawson et al 28), with the increasing professionalisation of academic work (and careers), lines of demarcation became firmly drawn between scholarly and popular titles and authors, as well as readers, who were described as “men of science,” as “educated men,” or as “casual observers” (Klancher 90). The question remains, however, as one historian of science asks, “To whom did the reading public go in order to learn about the ultimate meaning of modern science, the professionals or the popularizers?” (Lightman 191). By whom and for whom, where and how scholarship has historically been made public, are questions worthy of consideration if contemporary scholars are to better understand the current status (and possible future) for the making public of scholarship. A Snapshot of Scholarly Journals in Canada and Current Changes in Funding Policies The here and now of scholarly journal publishing in Canada (a growing, but relatively modest scholarly journal community, compared to the number of scholarly journals published in Europe and the US) serves as an interesting microcosm through which to consider how scholarly journal publishing has evolved since the early days of print. What follows here is an overview of the membership of the Canadian Association of Learned Journals (CALJ), in particular: (1) their target readers as identifiable from their editorial mandates; (2) their print/online/open-access policies; and (3) their publishers (all information gathered from the CALJ website, http://www.calj-acrs.ca/). Analysis of the collected data for the 100 member journals of CALJ (English, French and bilingual journals) with available information on the CALJ website is presented in Table 1 (below). A few observations are noteworthy: (1) in terms of readers, although all 100 journals identify a scholarly audience as their target readership, more than 40% of the journal also identify practitioners, policy-makers, or general readers as members of their target audience; (2) more than 25% of the journals publish online as well as or instead of print editions; and (3) almost all journals are published either by a Canadian university or, in one case, a college (60%) or a scholarly or professional society (31%). Table 1: Target Readership, Publishing Model and Publishers, CALJ Members (N=100) Journals with identifiable scholarly target readership 100 Journals with other identifiable target readership: practitioner 35 Journals with other identifiable target readership: general readers 18 Journals with other identifiable target readership: policy-makers/government 10 Total journals with identifiable target readership other than scholarly 43 Journals publishing in print only 56 Journals publishing in print and online 24 Journals publishing in print, online and open access 16 Journals publishing online only and open access 4 Journals published through a Canadian university press, faculty or department 60 Journals published by a scholarly or professional society 31 Journals published by a research institute 5 Journals published by the private sector 4 In the context of the historical overview presented earlier, this data raises a number of questions. The number of journals with target audiences either within or beyond the academy raises issues akin to the situation in the early days of print, when published works were primarily in Latin, with only 22 per cent in vernacular languages (Febvre and Martin 256), thereby strongly limiting access and reach to diverse audiences until the 17th century when Latin declined as the international language (Febvre and Martin 275) and there is a parallel to scholarly journal publishing and their changing readership(s). Diversity in audiences gradually developed in the early days of print, as Febvre and Martin (263) show by comparing the number of churchmen and lawyers with library collections in Paris: from 1480–1500 one lawyer and 24 churchmen had library collections, compared to 1551–1600, when 71 lawyers and 21 churchmen had library collections. Although the distinctions between present-day target audiences of Canadian scholarly journals (shown in Table 1, above) and 16th-century churchmen or lawyers no doubt are considerable, again there is a parallel with regard to changes in reading audiences. Similarly, the 18th-century increase in literacy rates, education, and technological advances finds a parallel in contemporary questions of computer literacy and access to scholarship (see Willinsky, “How,” Access, “Altering,” and If Only). Print culture historians and historians of science, as noted above, recognise that historically, while scholarly periodicals have increasingly specialised and popular periodicals have served as “important platforms for addressing a non-specialist but culturally powerful public…[and] fulfill[ing] important functions in making the claims of science heard among the ruling élite” (Dawson 11), there is adrift in current policies changes (and in the CALJ data above) a blurring of boundaries that harkens back to earlier days of print culture. As Adrian John reminded us earlier, “the very identity of print itself has had to be made” (2, italics in original) and the same applies to identities or cultures of print and the members of that culture: namely, the readers, the audience. The identities of the readers of scholarship are being made and re-made, as editorial mandates extend the scope of journals beyond strict, academic disciplinary boundaries and as increasing numbers of journals publish online (and open access). In Canada, changes in scholarly journal funding by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada (as well as changes in SSHRC funding for research more generally) place increasing focus on impact factors (an international trend) as well as increased attention on the public benefits and value of social sciences and humanities research and scholarship (see SSHRC 2004, 2005, 2006). There is much debate in the scholarly community in Canada about the implications and possibilities of the direction of the changing funding policies, not least among members of the scholarly journal community. As noted in the table above, most scholarly journal publishers in Canada are independently published, which brings advantages of autonomy but also the disadvantage of very limited budgets and there is a great deal of concern about the future of the journals, about their survival amidst the current changes. Although the future is uncertain, it is perhaps worthwhile to be reminded once again that contrary to doomsday sooth-saying that has come time and time again, publishing has not perished, but rather it has continued to transform. I am inclined against making normative statements about what the future of publishing should be, but, looking at the accounts historians have given of the past and looking at the current publishing community I have come to know in my work in publishing, I am confident that the resourcefulness and commitment of the publishing community shall prevail and, indeed, there appears to be a good deal of promise in the transformation of scholarly journals in the ways they reach their audiences and in what reaches those audiences. Perhaps, as is suggested by the Canadian Centre for Studies in Publishing (CCSP), the future is one of “inventing publishing.” References Canadian Association of Learned Journals. Member Database. 10 June 2008 ‹http://www.calj-acrs.ca/>. Canadian Centre for Studies in Publishing. 10 June 2008. ‹http://www.ccsp.sfu.ca/>. Censer, Jack. The French Press in the Age of Enlightenment. London: Routledge, 1994. Darnton, Robert, Estienne Roche. Revolution in Print: The Press in France, 1775–1800. Berkeley: U of California P, 1989. Dawson, Gowan, Richard Noakes, and Jonathan Topham. Introduction. Science in the Nineteenth-century Periodical: Reading the Magazine of Nature. Ed. Geoffrey Cantor, Gowan Dawson, Richard Noakes, and Jonathan Topham. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2004. 1–37. Eisenstein, Elizabeth. The Printing Revolution in Early Modern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1983 Feather, John. A History of British Publishing. New York: Routledge, 2006. Febvre, Lucien, and Henri-Jean Martin. The Coming of the Book: The Impact of Printing 1450–1800. London: N.L.B., 1979. Jacob, Margaret. Scientific Culture and the Making of the Industrial West. New York: Oxford UP, 1997. Johns, Adrian. The Nature of the Book: Print and Knowledge in the Making. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1998. Hall, David, and Hugh Armory. The Colonial Book in the Atlantic World. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000. Klancher, Jon. The Making of English Reading Audiences. Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 1987. Kronick, David. A History of Scientific and Technical Periodicals: The Origins and Development of the Scientific and Technological Press, 1665–1790. New York: Scarecrow Press, 1961. ---. "Devant le deluge" and Other Essays on Early Modern Scientific Communication. Lanham: Scarecrow Press, 2004. Lightman, Bernard. Victorian Science in Context. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1997. Mitch, David. The Rise of Popular Literacy in Victorian England: The Influence of Private choice and Public Policy. Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1991. Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. Granting Council to Knowledge Council: Renewing the Social Sciences and Humanities in Canada, Volume 1, 2004. Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. Granting Council to Knowledge Council: Renewing the Social Sciences and Humanities in Canada, Volume 3, 2005. Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. Moving Forward As a Knowledge Council: Canada’s Place in a Competitive World. 2006. Steinberg, Sigfrid. Five Hundred Years of Printing. London: Oak Knoll Press, 1996. Willinsky, John. “How to be More of a Public Intellectual by Making your Intellectual Work More Public.” Journal of Curriculum and Pedagogy 3.1 (2006): 92–95. ---. The Access Principle: The Case for Open Access to Research and Scholarship. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006. ---. “Altering the Material Conditions of Access to the Humanities.” Ed. Peter Trifonas and Michael Peters. Deconstructing Derrida: Tasks for the New Humanities. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. 118–36. ---. If Only We Knew: Increasing the Public Value of Social-Science Research. New York: Routledge, 2000.

Brockington, Roy, and Nela Cicmil. "Brutalist Architecture: An Autoethnographic Examination of Structure and Corporeality." M/C Journal 19, no.1 (April6, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1060.

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Abstract:

Introduction: Brutal?The word “brutal” has associations with cruelty, inhumanity, and aggression. Within the field of architecture, however, the term “Brutalism” refers to a post-World War II Modernist style, deriving from the French phrase betón brut, which means raw concrete (Clement 18). Core traits of Brutalism include functionalist design, daring geometry, overbearing scale, and the blatant exposure of structural materials, chiefly concrete and steel (Meades 1).The emergence of Brutalism coincided with chronic housing shortages in European countries ravaged by World War II (Power 5) and government-sponsored slum clearance in the UK (Power 190; Baker). Brutalism’s promise to accommodate an astonishing number of civilians within a minimal area through high-rise configurations and elevated walkways was alluring to architects and city planners (High Rise Dreams). Concrete was the material of choice due to its affordability, durability, and versatility; it also allowed buildings to be erected quickly (Allen and Iano 622).The Brutalist style was used for cultural centres, such as the Perth Concert Hall in Western Australia, educational institutions such as the Yale School of Architecture, and government buildings such as the Secretariat Building in Chandigarh, India. However, as pioneering Brutalist architect Alison Smithson explained, the style achieved full expression by “thinking on a much bigger scale somehow than if you only got [sic] one house to do” (Smithson and Smithson, Conversation 40). Brutalism, therefore, lent itself to the design of large residential complexes. It was consequently used worldwide for public housing developments, that is, residences built by a government authority with the aim of providing affordable housing. Notable examples include the Western City Gate in Belgrade, Serbia, and Habitat 67 in Montreal, Canada.Brutalist architecture polarised opinion and continues to do so to this day. On the one hand, protected cultural heritage status has been awarded to some Brutalist buildings (Carter; Glancey) and the style remains extremely influential, for example in the recent award-winning work of architect Zaha Hadid (Niesewand). On the other hand, the public housing projects associated with Brutalism are widely perceived as failures (The Great British Housing Disaster). Many Brutalist objects currently at risk of demolition are social housing estates, such as the Smithsons’ Robin Hood Gardens in London, UK. Whether the blame for the demise of such housing developments lies with architects, inhabitants, or local government has been widely debated. In the UK and USA, local authorities had relocated families of predominantly lower socio-economic status into the newly completed developments, but were unable or unwilling to finance subsequent maintenance and security costs (Hanley 115; R. Carroll; The Pruitt-Igoe Myth). Consequently, the residents became fearful of criminal activity in staircases and corridors that lacked “defensible space” (Newman 9), which undermined a vision of “streets in the sky” (Moran 615).In spite of its later problems, Brutalism’s architects had intended to develop a style that expressed 1950s contemporary living in an authentic manner. To them, this meant exposing building materials in their “raw” state and creating an aesthetic for an age of science, machine mass production, and consumerism (Stadler 264; 267; Smithson and Smithson, But Today 44). Corporeal sensations did not feature in this “machine” aesthetic (Dalrymple). Exceptionally, acclaimed Brutalist architect Ernö Goldfinger discussed how “visual sensation,” “sound and touch with smell,” and “the physical touch of the walls of a narrow passage” contributed to “sensations of space” within architecture (Goldfinger 48). However, the effects of residing within Brutalist objects may not have quite conformed to predictions, since Goldfinger moved out of his Brutalist construction, Balfron Tower, after two months, to live in a terraced house (Hanley 112).An abstract perspective that favours theorisation over subjective experiences characterises discourse on Brutalist social housing developments to this day (Singh). There are limited data on the everyday lived experience of residents of Brutalist social housing estates, both then and now (for exceptions, see Hanley; The Pruitt-Igoe Myth; Cooper et al.).Yet, our bodily interaction with the objects around us shapes our lived experience. On a broader physical scale, this includes the structures within which we live and work. The importance of the interaction between architecture and embodied being is increasingly recognised. Today, architecture is described in corporeal terms—for example, as a “skin” that surrounds and protects its human inhabitants (Manan and Smith 37; Armstrong 77). Biological processes are also inspiring new architectural approaches, such as synthetic building materials with life-like biochemical properties (Armstrong 79), and structures that exhibit emergent behaviour in response to human presence, like a living system (Biloria 76).In this article, we employ an autoethnographic perspective to explore the corporeal effects of Brutalist buildings, thereby revealing a new dimension to the anthropological significance of these controversial structures. We trace how they shape the physicality of the bodies interacting within them. Our approach is one step towards considering the historically under-appreciated subjective, corporeal experience elicited in interaction with Brutalist objects.Method: An Autoethnographic ApproachAutoethnography is a form of self-narrative research that connects the researcher’s personal experience to wider cultural understandings (Ellis 31; Johnson). It can be analytical (Anderson 374) or emotionally evocative (Denzin 426).We investigated two Brutalist residential estates in London, UK:(i) The Barbican Estate: This was devised to redevelop London’s severely bombed post-WWII Cripplegate area, combining private residences for middle class professionals with an assortment of amenities including a concert hall, library, conservatory, and school. It was designed by architects Chamberlin, Powell, and Bon. Opened in 1982, the Estate polarised opinion on its aesthetic qualities but has enjoyed success with residents and visitors. The development now comprises extremely expensive housing (Brophy). It was Grade II-listed in 2001 (Glancey), indicating a status of architectural preservation that restricts alterations to significant buildings.(ii) Trellick Tower: This was built to replace dilapidated 19th-century housing in the North Kensington area. It was designed by Hungarian-born architect Ernő Goldfinger to be a social housing development and was completed in 1972. During the 1980s and 1990s, it became known as the “Tower of Terror” due to its high level of crime (Hanley 113). Nevertheless, Trellick Tower was granted Grade II listed status in 1998 (Carter), and subsequent improvements have increased its desirability as a residence (R. Carroll).We explored the grounds, communal spaces, and one dwelling within each structure, independently recording our corporeal impressions and sensations in detailed notes, which formed the basis of longhand journals written afterwards. Our analysis was developed through co-constructed autoethnographic reflection (emerald and Carpenter 748).For reasons of space, one full journal entry is presented for each Brutalist structure, with an excerpt from each remaining journal presented in the subsequent analysis. To identify quotations from our journals, we use the codes R- and N- to refer to RB’s and NC’s journals, respectively; we use -B and -T to refer to the Barbican Estate and Trellick Tower, respectively.The Barbican Estate: Autoethnographic JournalAn intricate concrete world emerges almost without warning from the throng of glass office blocks and commercial buildings that make up the City of London's Square Mile. The Barbican Estate comprises a multitude of low-rise buildings, a glass conservatory, and three enormous high-rise towers. Each modular building component is finished in the same coarse concrete with burnished brick underfoot, whilst the entire structure is elevated above ground level by enormous concrete stilts. Plants hang from residential balconies over glimmering pools in a manner evocative of concrete Hanging Gardens of Babylon.Figure 1. Barbican Estate Figure 2. Cromwell Tower from below, Barbican Estate. Figure 3: The stairwell, Cromwell Tower, Barbican Estate. Figure 4. Lift button pods, Cromwell Tower, Barbican Estate.R’s journalMy first footsteps upon the Barbican Estate are elevated two storeys above the street below, and already an eerie calm settles on me. The noise of traffic and the bustle of pedestrians have seemingly been left far behind, and a path of polished brown brick has replaced the paving slabs of the city's pavement. I am made more aware of the sound of my shoes upon the ground as I take each step through the serenity.Running my hands along the walkway's concrete sides as we proceed further into the estate I feel its coarseness, and look up to imagine the same sensation touching the uppermost balcony of the towers. As we travel, the cold nature and relentless employ of concrete takes over and quickly becomes the norm.Our route takes us through the Barbican's central Arts building and into the Conservatory, a space full of plant-life and water features. The noise of rushing water comes as a shock, and I'm reminded just how hauntingly peaceful the atmosphere of the outside estate has been. As we leave the conservatory, the hush returns and we follow another walkway, this time allowing a balcony-like view over the edge of the estate. I'm quickly absorbed by a sensation I can liken only to peering down at the ground from a concrete cloud as we observe the pedestrians and traffic below.Turning back, we follow the walkways and begin our approach to Cromwell Tower, a jagged structure scraping the sky ahead of us and growing menacingly larger with every step. The estate has up till now seemed devoid of wind, but even so a cold begins to prickle my neck and I increase my speed toward the door.A high-ceilinged foyer greets us as we enter and continue to the lifts. As we push the button and wait, I am suddenly aware that carpet has replaced bricks beneath my feet. A homely sensation spreads, my breathing slows, and for a brief moment I begin to relax.We travel at heart-racing speed upwards to the 32nd floor to observe the view from the Tower's fire escape stairwell. A brief glance over the stair's railing as we enter reveals over 30 storeys of stair casing in a hard-edged, triangular configuration. My mind reels, I take a second glance and fail once again to achieve focus on the speck of ground at the bottom far below. After appreciating the eastward view from the adjacent window that encompasses almost the entirety of Central London, we make our way to a 23rd floor apartment.Entering the dwelling, we explore from room to room before reaching the balcony of the apartment's main living space. Looking sheepishly from the ledge, nothing short of a genuine concrete fortress stretches out beneath us in all directions. The spirit and commotion of London as I know it seems yet more distant as we gaze at the now miniaturized buildings. An impression of self-satisfied confidence dawns on me. The fortress where we stand offers security, elevation, sanctuary and I'm furnished with the power to view London's chaos at such a distance that it's almost silent.As we leave the apartment, I am shadowed by the same inherent air of tranquillity, pressing yet another futuristic lift access button, plummeting silently back towards the ground, and padding across the foyer's soft carpet to pursue our exit route through the estate's sky-suspended walkways, back to the bustle of regular London civilization.Trellick Tower: Autoethnographic JournalThe concrete majesty of Trellick Tower is visible from Westbourne Park, the nearest Tube station. The Tower dominates the skyline, soaring above its neighbouring estate, cafes, and shops. As one nears the Tower, the south face becomes visible, revealing the suspended corridors that join the service tower to the main body of flats. Light of all shades and colours pours from its tightly stacked dwellings, which stretch up into the sky. Figure 5. Trellick Tower, South face. Figure 6. Balcony in a 27th-floor flat, Trellick Tower.N’s journalOutside the tower, I sense danger and experience a heightened sense of awareness. A thorny frame of metal poles holds up the tower’s facade, each pole poised as if to slip down and impale me as I enter the building.At first, the tower is too big for comprehension; the scale is unnatural, gigantic. I feel small and quite squashable in comparison. Swathes of unmarked concrete surround the tower, walls that are just too high to see over. Who or what are they hiding? I feel uncertain about what is around me.It takes some time to reach the 27th floor, even though the lift only stops on every 3rd floor. I feel the forces of acceleration exert their pressure on me as we rise. The lift is very quiet.Looking through the windows on the 27th-floor walkway that connects the lift tower to the main building, I realise how high up I am. I can see fog. The city moves and modulates beneath me. It is so far away, and I can’t reach it. I’m suspended, isolated, cut off in the air, as if floating in space.The buildings underneath appear tiny in comparison to me, but I know I’m tiny compared to this building. It’s a dichotomy, an internal tension, and feels quite unreal.The sound of the wind in the corridors is a constant whine.In the flat, the large kitchen window above the sink opens directly onto the narrow, low-ceilinged corridor, on the other side of which, through a second window, I again see London far beneath. People pass by here to reach their front doors, moving so close to the kitchen window that you could touch them while you’re washing up, if it weren’t for the glass. Eye contact is possible with a neighbour, or a stranger. I am close to that which I’m normally separated from, but at the same time I’m far from what I could normally access.On the balcony, I have a strong sensation of vertigo. We are so high up that we cannot be seen by the city and we cannot see others. I feel physically cut off from the world and realise that I’m dependent on the lift or endlessly spiralling stairs to reach it again.Materials: sharp edges, rough concrete, is abrasive to my skin, not warm or welcoming. Sharp little stones are embedded in some places. I mind not to brush close against them.Behind the tower is a mysterious dark maze of sharp turns that I can’t see around, and dark, narrow walkways that confine me to straight movements on sloping ramps.“Relentless Employ of Concrete:” Body versus Stone and HeightThe “relentless employ of concrete” (R-B) in the Barbican Estate and Trellick Tower determined our physical interactions with these Brutalist objects. Our attention was first directed towards texture: rough, abrasive, sharp, frictive. Raw concrete’s potential to damage skin, should one fall or brush too hard against it, made our bodies vulnerable. Simultaneously, the ubiquitous grey colour and the constant cold anaesthetised our senses.As we continued to explore, the constant presence of concrete, metal gratings, wire, and reinforced glass affected our real and imagined corporeal potentialities. Bodies are powerless against these materials, such that, in these buildings, you can only go where you are allowed to go by design, and there are no other options.Conversely, the strength of concrete also has a corporeal manifestation through a sense of increased physical security. To R, standing within the “concrete fortress” of the Barbican Estate, the object offered “security, elevation, sanctuary,” and even “power” (R-B).The heights of the Barbican’s towers (123 metres) and Trellick Tower (93 metres) were physically overwhelming when first encountered. We both felt that these menacing, jagged towers dominated our bodies.Excerpt from R’s journal (Trellick Tower)Gaining access to the apartment, we begin to explore from room to room. As we proceed through to the main living area we spot the balcony and I am suddenly aware that, in a short space of time, I had abandoned the knowledge that some 26 floors lay below me. My balance is again shaken and I dig my heels into the laminate flooring, as if to achieve some imaginary extra purchase.What are the consequences of extreme height on the body? Certainly, there is the possibility of a lethal fall and those with vertigo or who fear heights would feel uncomfortable. We discovered that height also affects physical instantiation in many other ways, both empowering and destabilising.Distance from ground-level bustle contributed to a profound silence and sense of calm. Areas of intermediate height, such as elevated communal walkways, enhanced our sensory abilities by granting the advantage of observation from above.Extreme heights, however, limited our ability to sense the outside world, placing objects beyond our range of visual focus, and setting up a “bizarre segregation” (R-T) between our physical presence and that of the rest of the world. Height also limited potentialities of movement: no longer self-sufficient, we depended on a working lift to regain access to the ground and the rest of the city. In the lift itself, our bodies passively endured a cycle of opposing forces as we plummeted up or down numerous storeys in mere seconds.At both locations, N noticed how extreme height altered her relative body size: for example, “London looks really small. I have become huge compared to the tiny city” (N-B). As such, the building’s lift could be likened to a cake or potion from Lewis Carroll’s Alice in Wonderland. This illustrates how the heuristics that we use to discern visual perspective and object size, which are determined by the environment in which we live (Segall et al.), can be undermined by the unusual scales and distances found in Brutalist structures.Excerpt from N’s journal (Barbican Estate)Warning: These buildings give you AFTER-EFFECTS. On the way home, the size of other buildings seems tiny, perspectives feel strange; all the scales seem to have been re-scaled. I had to become re-used to the sensation of travelling on public trains, after travelling in the tower lifts.We both experienced perceptual after-effects from the disproportional perspectives of Brutalist spaces. Brutalist structures thus have the power to affect physical sensations even when the body is no longer in direct interaction with them!“Challenge to Privacy:” Intersubjective Ideals in Brutalist DesignAs embodied beings, our corporeal manifestations are the primary transducers of our interactions with other people, who in turn contribute to our own body schema construction (Joas). Architects of Brutalist habitats aimed to create residential utopias, but we found that the impact of their designs on intersubjective corporeality were often incoherent and contradictory. Brutalist structures positioned us at two extremes in relation to the bodies of others, forcing either an uncomfortable intersection of personal space or, conversely, excessive separation.The confined spaces of the lifts, and ubiquitous narrow, low-ceilinged corridors produced uncomfortable overlaps in the personal space of the individuals present. We were fascinated by the design of the flat in Trellick Tower, where the large kitchen window opened out directly onto the narrow 27th-floor corridor, as described in N’s journal. This enforced a physical “challenge to privacy” (R-T), although the original aim may have been to promote a sense of community in the “streets in the sky” (Moran 615). The inter-slotting of hundreds of flats in Trellick Tower led to “a multitude of different cooking aromas from neighbouring flats” (R-T) and hence a direct sensing of the closeness of other people’s corporeal activities, such as eating.By contrast, enormous heights and scales constantly placed other people out of sight, out of hearing, and out of reach. Sharp-angled walkways and blind alleys rendered other bodies invisible even when they were near. In the Barbican Estate, huge concrete columns, behind which one could hide, instilled a sense of unease.We also considered the intersubjective interaction between the Brutalist architect-designer and the inhabitant. The elements of futuristic design—such as the “spaceship”-like pods for lift buttons in Cromwell Tower (N-B)—reconstruct the inhabitant’s physicality as alien relative to the Brutalist building, and by extension, to the city that commissioned it.ReflectionsThe strength of the autoethnographic approach is also its limitation (Chang 54); it is an individual’s subjective perspective, and as such we cannot experience or represent the full range of corporeal effects of Brutalist designs. Corporeal experience is informed by myriad factors, including age, body size, and ability or disability. Since we only visited these structures, rather than lived in them, we could have experienced heightened sensations that would become normalised through familiarity over time. Class dynamics, including previous residences and, importantly, the amount of choice that one has over where one lives, would also affect this experience. For a full perspective, further data on the everyday lived experiences of residents from a range of different backgrounds are necessary.R’s reflectionDespite researching Brutalist architecture for years, I was unprepared for the true corporeal experience of exploring these buildings. Reading back through my journals, I'm struck by an evident conflict between stylistic admiration and physical uneasiness. I feel I have gained a sympathetic perspective on the notion of residing in the structures day-to-day.Nevertheless, analysing Brutalist objects through a corporeal perspective helped to further our understanding of the experience of living within them in a way that abstract thought could never have done. Our reflections also emphasise the tension between the physical and the psychological, whereby corporeal struggle intertwines with an abstract, aesthetic admiration of the Brutalist objects.N’s reflectionIt was a wonderful experience to explore these extraordinary buildings with an inward focus on my own physical sensations and an outward focus on my body’s interaction with others. On re-reading my journals, I was surprised by the negativity that pervaded my descriptions. How does physical discomfort and alienation translate into cognitive pleasure, or delight?ConclusionBrutalist objects shape corporeality in fundamental and sometimes contradictory ways. The range of visual and somatosensory experiences is narrowed by the ubiquitous use of raw concrete and metal. Materials that damage skin combine with lethal heights to emphasise corporeal vulnerability. The body’s movements and sensations of the external world are alternately limited or extended by extreme heights and scales, which also dominate the human frame and undermine normal heuristics of perception. Simultaneously, the structures endow a sense of physical stability, security, and even power. By positioning multiple corporealities in extremes of overlap or segregation, Brutalist objects constitute a unique challenge to both physical privacy and intersubjective potentiality.Recognising these effects on embodied being enhances our current understanding of the impact of Brutalist residences on corporeal sensation. This can inform the future design of residential estates. Our autoethnographic findings are also in line with the suggestion that Brutalist structures can be “appreciated as challenging, enlivening environments” exactly because they demand “physical and perceptual exertion” (Sroat). Instead of being demolished, Brutalist objects that are no longer considered appropriate as residences could be repurposed for creative, cultural, or academic use, where their challenging corporeal effects could contribute to a stimulating or even thrilling environment.ReferencesAllen, Edward, and Joseph Iano. Fundamentals of Building Construction: Materials and Methods. 6th ed. 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Howarth, Anita. "Food Banks: A Lens on the Hungry Body." M/C Journal 19, no.1 (April6, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1072.

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IntroductionIn Britain, hunger is often hidden in the privacy of the home. Yet otherwise private hunger is currently being rendered public and visible in the growing queues at charity-run food banks, where emergency food parcels are distributed directly to those who cannot afford to feed themselves or their families adequately (Downing et al.; Caplan). Food banks, in providing emergency relief to those in need, are responses to crisis moments, actualised through an embodied feeling of hunger that cannot be alleviated. The growing queues at food banks not only render hidden hunger visible, but also serve as reminders of the corporeal vulnerability of the human body to political and socio-economic shifts.A consideration of corporeality allows us to view the world through the lived experiences of the body. Human beings are “creatures of the flesh” who understand and reason, act and interact with their environments through the body (Johnson 81). The growing academic interest in corporeality signifies what Judith Butler calls a “new bodily ontology” (2). However, as Butler highlights, the body is also vulnerable to injury and suffering. An application of this ontology to hunger draws attention to eating as essential to life, so the denial of food poses an existential threat to health and ultimately to survival. The body’s response to threat is the physiological experience of hunger as a craving or longing that is the “most bodily experience of need […] a visceral desire locatable in a void” in which an empty stomach “initiates” a series of sounds and pangs that “call for action” in the form of eating (Anderson 27). Food bank queues serve as visible public reminders of this precariousness and of how social conditions can limit the ability of individuals to feed themselves, and so respond to an existential threat.Corporeal vulnerability made visible elicits responses that support societal interventions to feed the hungry, or that stigmatise hungry people by withdrawing or disparaging what limited support is available. Responses to vulnerability therefore evoke nurture and care or violence and abuse, and so in this sense are ambiguous (Butler; Cavarero). The responses are also normative, shaped by social and cultural understandings of what hunger is, what its causes are, and whether it is seen as originating in personal or societal failings. The stigmatising of individuals by blaming them for their hunger is closely allied to the feelings of shame that lie at the “irreducible absolutist core” of the idea of poverty (Sen 159). Shame is where the “internally felt inadequacies” of the impoverished individual and the “externally inflicted judgments” of society about the hungry body come together in a “co-construction of shame” (Walker et al. 5) that is a key part of the lived experience of hunger. The experience of shame, while common, is far from inevitable and is open to resistance (see Pickett; Foucault); shame can be subverted, turned from the hungry body and onto the society that allows hunger to happen. Who and what are deemed responsible are shaped by shifting ideas and contested understandings of hunger at a particular moment in time (Vernon).This exploration of corporeal vulnerability through food banks as a historically located response to hunger offers an alternative to studies which privilege representations, objectifying the body and “treating it as a discursive, textual, iconographic and metaphorical reality” while neglecting understandings derived from lived experiences and the responses that visible vulnerabilities elicit (Hamilakis 99). The argument made in this paper calls for a critical reconsideration of classic political economy approaches that view hunger in terms of a class struggle against the material conditions that give rise to it, and responses that ultimately led to the construction of the welfare state (Vernon). These political economy approaches, in focusing on the structures that lead to hunger and that respond to it, are more closed than Butler’s notion of ambiguous and constantly changing social responses to corporeal vulnerability. This paper also challenges the dominant tradition of nutrition science, which medicalises hunger. While nutrition science usefully draws attention to the physiological experiences and existential threat posed by acute hunger, the scientific focus on the “anatomical functioning” of the body and the optimising of survival problematically separates eating from the social contexts in which hunger is experienced (Lupton 11, 12; Abbots and Lavis). The focus in this article on the corporeal vulnerability of hunger interweaves contested representations of, and ideas about, hunger with the physiological experience of it, the material conditions that shape it, and the lived experiences of deprivation. Food banks offer a lens onto these experiences and their complexities.Food Banks: Deprivation Made VisibleSince the 1980s, food banks have become the fastest growing charitable organisations in the wealthiest countries of North America, Europe, and Australasia (Riches), but in Britain they are a recent phenomenon. The first opened in 2000, and by 2014, the largest operator, the Trussell Trust, had over 420 franchised food banks, and more recently was opening more than one per week (Lambie-Mumford et al.; Lambie-Mumford and Dowler). British food banks hand out emergency food relief directly to those who cannot afford to feed themselves or their families adequately, and have become new sites where deprivation is materialised through a congregation of hungry people and the distribution of food parcels. The food relief parcels are intended as short-term immediate responses to crisis moments felt within the body when the individual cannot alleviate hunger through their own resources; they are for “emergency use only” to ameliorate individual crisis and acute vulnerability, and are not intended as long-term solutions to sustained, chronic poverty (Perry et al.). The need for food banks has emerged with the continued shrinkage of the welfare state, which for the past half century sought to mediate the impact of changing individual and social circ*mstances on those deemed to be most vulnerable to the vicissitudes of life. The proliferation of food banks since the 2009 financial crisis and the increased public discourse about them has normalised their presence and naturalised their role in alleviating acute food poverty (Perry et al.).Media images of food bank queues and stacks of tins waiting to be handed out (Glaze; Gore) evoke collective memories from the early twentieth century of hunger marches in protest at government inaction over poverty, long queues at soup kitchens, and the faces of gaunt, unemployed war veterans (Vernon). After the Second World War, the spectre of communism and the expansionist agenda of the Soviet Union meant such images of hunger could become tools in a propaganda war constructed around the failure of the British state to care for its citizens (Field; Clarke et al; Vernon). The 1945 Labour government, elected on a social democratic agenda of reform in an era of food rationing, responded with a “war on want” based on the normative premise that no one should be without food, medical care, shelter, warmth or work. Labour’s response was the construction of the modern welfare state.The welfare state signified a major shift in ideational understandings of hunger. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, ideas about hunger had been rooted in a moralistic account of divine punishment for individual failure (Vernon). Bodily experiences of hunger were seen as instruments for disciplining the indigent into a work ethic appropriate for a modern industrialised economy. The infamous workhouses, finally abolished in 1948, were key sites of deprivation where restrictions on how much food was distributed served to punish or discipline the hungry body into compliance with the dominant work ethic (Vernon; Foucault). However, these ideas shifted in the second half of the nineteenth century as the hungry citizen in Britain (if not in its colonies) was increasingly viewed as a victim of wider forces beyond the control of the individual, and the notion of disciplining the hungry body in workhouses was seen as reprehensible. A humanitarian treatment of hunger replaced a disciplinarian one as a more appropriate response to acute need (Shaw; Vernon). Charitable and reformist organisations proliferated with an agenda to feed, clothe, house, and campaign on behalf of those most deprived, and civil society largely assumed responsibility for those unable to feed themselves. By the early 1900s, ideas about hunger had begun to shift again, and after the Second World War ideational changes were formalised in the welfare state, premised on a view of hunger as due to structural rather than individual failure, hence the need for state intervention encapsulated in the “cradle to grave” mantra of the welfare state, i.e. of consistent care at the point of need for all citizens for their lifetime (see Clarke and Newman; Field; Powell). In this context, the suggestion that Britons could go to bed hungry because they could not afford to feed themselves would be seen as the failure of the “war on want” and of an advanced modern democracy to fulfil its responsibilities for the welfare of its citizens.Since the 1980s, there has been a retreat from these ideas. Successive governments have sought to rein in, reinvent or shrink what they have perceived as a “bloated” welfare state. In their view this has incentivised “dependency” by providing benefits so generous that the supposedly work-shy or “skivers” have no need to seek employment and can fund a diet of takeaways and luxury televisions (Howarth). These stigmatising ideas have, since the 2009 financial crisis and the 2010 election, become more entrenched as the Conservative-led government has sought to renew a neo-liberal agenda to shrink the welfare state, and legitimise a new mantra of austerity. This mantra is premised on the idea that the state can no longer afford the bloated welfare budget, that responsible government needs to “wean” people off benefits, and that sanctions imposed for not seeking work or for incorrectly filling in benefit claim forms serve to “encourage” people into work. Critics counter-argue that the punitive nature of sanctions has exacerbated deprivation and contributed to the growing use of food banks, a view the government disputes (Howarth; Caplan).Food Banks as Sites of Vulnerable CorporealityIn these shifting contexts, food banks have proliferated not only as sites of deprivation but also as sites of vulnerable corporeality, where people unable to draw on individual resources to respond to hunger congregate in search of social and material support. As growing numbers of people in Britain find themselves in this situation, the vulnerable corporeality of the hungry body becomes more pervasive and more visible. Hunger as a lived experience is laid bare in ever-longer food bank queues and also through the physiological, emotional and social consequences graphically described in personal blogs and in the testimonies of food bank users.Blogger Jack Monroe, for example, has recounted giving what little food she had to her child and going to bed hungry with a pot of ginger tea to “ease the stomach pains”; saying to her curious child “I’m not hungry,” while “the rumblings of my stomach call me a liar” (Monroe, Hunger Hurts). She has also written that her recourse to food banks started with the “terrifying and humiliating” admission that “you cannot afford to feed your child” and has expressed her reluctance to solicit the help of the food bank because “it feels like begging” (Monroe, Austerity Works?). Such blog accounts are corroborated in reports by food bank operators and a parliamentary enquiry which told stories of mothers not eating for days after being sanctioned under the benefit system; of children going to school hungry; of people leaving hospital after a major operation unable to feed themselves since their benefits have been cut; of the elderly having to make “hard choices” between “heat or eat” each winter; and of mixed feelings of relief and shame at receiving food bank parcels (All-Party Parliamentary Inquiry; Beattie; Cooper and Dumpleton; Caplan; Perry et al.). That is, two different visibilities have emerged: the shame of standing or being seen to stand in the food bank queue, and blogs that describe these feelings and the lived experience of hunger – both are vulnerable and visible, but in different ways and in different spaces: the physical or material, and the virtual.The response of doctors to the growing evidence of crisis was to warn that there were “all the signs of a public health emergency that could go unrecognised until it is too late to take preventative action,” that progress made against food poverty since the 1960s was being eroded (Ashton et al. 1631), and that the “robust last line of defence against hunger” provided by the welfare state was failing (Loopstra et al. n.p). Medical professionals thus sought to conscript the rhetorical resources of their professional credibility to highlight that this is a politically created public health crisis.This is not to suggest that acute hunger was absent for 50 years of the welfare state, but that with the closure of the last workhouses, the end of hunger marches, and the shutting of the soup kitchens by the 1950s, it became less visible. Over the past decade, hunger has become more visible in images of growing queues at food banks and stacked tins ready to be handed out by volunteers (Glaze; Gore) on production of a voucher provided on referral by professionals. Doctors, social workers or teachers are therefore tasked with discerning cases of need, deciding whose need is “genuine” and so worthy of food relief (see Downing et al.). The voucher system is regulated by professionals so that food banks are open only to those with a public identity constructed around bodily crisis. The sense of something as intimate as hunger being defined by others contrasts to making visible one’s own hunger through blogging. It suggests again how bodies become caught up in wider political struggles where not only is shame a co-construction of internal inadequacies and external judgements, but so too is hunger, albeit in different yet interweaving ways. New boundaries are being established between those who are deprived and those who are not, and also between those whose bodies are in short-term acute crisis, and those whose bodies are in long-term and chronic crisis, which is not deemed to be an emergency. It is in this context that food banks have also become sites of demarcation, shame, and contestation.Public debates about growing food bank queues highlight the ambiguous nature of societal responses to the vulnerability of hunger made visible. Government ministers have intensified internal shame in attributing growing food bank queues to individual inadequacies, failure to manage household budgets (Gove), and profligate spending on luxury (Johnston; Shipton). Civil society organisations have contested this account of hunger, turning shame away from the individual and onto the government. Austerity reforms have, they argue, “torn apart” the “basic safety net” of social responses to corporeal vulnerability put in place after the Second World War and intended to ensure that no-one was left hungry or destitute (Bingham), their vulnerability unattended to. Furthermore, the benefit sanctions impose punitive measures that leave families with “nothing” to live on for weeks. Hungry citizens, confronted with their own corporeal vulnerability and little choice but to seek relief from food banks, echo the Dickensian era of the workhouse (Cooper and Dumpleton) and indict the UK government response to poverty. Church leaders have called on the government to exercise “moral duty” and recognise the “acute moral imperative to act” to alleviate the suffering of the hungry body (Beattie; see also Bingham), and respond ethically to corporeal vulnerability with social policies that address unmet need for food. However, future cuts to welfare benefits mean the need for relief is likely to intensify.ConclusionThe aim of this paper was to explore the vulnerable corporeality of hunger through the lens of food banks, the twenty-first-century manifestations of charitable responses to acute need. Food banks have emerged in a gap between the renewal of a neo-liberal agenda of prudent government spending and the retreat of the welfare state, between struggles over resurgent ideas about individual responsibility and deep disquiet about wider social responsibilities. Food banks as sites of deprivation, in drawing attention to a newly vulnerable corporeality, potentially pose a threat to the moral credibility of the neo-liberal state. The threat is highlighted when the taboo of a hungry body, previously hidden because of shame, is being challenged by two new visibilities, that of food bank queues and the commentaries on blogs about the shame of having to queue for food.ReferencesAbbots, Emma-Jayne, and Anna Lavis. Eds. Why We Eat, How We Eat: Contemporary Encounters between Foods and Bodies. Farnham: Ashgate, 2013.All-Party Parliamentary Inquiry. “Feeding Britain.” 2014. 6 Jan. 2016 <https://foodpovertyinquiry.files.wordpress.com/2014/12/food>.Anderson, Patrick. “So Much Wasted:” Hunger, Performance, and the Morbidity of Resistance. 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Cutler, Ella Rebecca Barrowclough, Jacqueline Gothe, and Alexandra Crosby. "Design Microprotests." M/C Journal 21, no.3 (August15, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1421.

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IntroductionThis essay considers three design projects as microprotests. Reflecting on the ways design practice can generate spaces, sites and methods of protest, we use the concept of microprotest to consider how we, as designers ourselves, can protest by scaling down, focussing, slowing down and paying attention to the edges of our practice. Design microprotest is a form of design activism that is always collaborative, takes place within a community, and involves careful translation of a political conversation. While microprotest can manifest in any design discipline, in this essay we focus on visual communication design. In particular we consider the deep, reflexive practice of listening as the foundation of microprotests in visual communication design.While small in scale and fleeting in duration, these projects express rich and deep political engagements through conversations that create and maintain safe spaces. While many design theorists (Julier; Fuad-Luke; Clarke; Irwin et al.) have done important work to contextualise activist design as a broad movement with overlapping branches (social design, community design, eco-design, participatory design, critical design, and transition design etc.), the scope of our study takes ‘micro’ as a starting point. We focus on the kind of activism that takes shape in moments of careful design; these are moments when designers move politically, rather than necessarily within political movements. These microprotests respond to community needs through design more than they articulate a broad activist design movement. As such, the impacts of these microprotests often go unnoticed outside of the communities within which they take place. We propose, and test in this essay, a mode of analysis for design microprotests that takes design activism as a starting point but pays more attention to community and translation than designers and their global reach.In his analysis of design activism, Julier proposes “four possible conceptual tactics for the activist designer that are also to be found in particular qualities in the mainstream design culture and economy” (Julier, Introduction 149). We use two of these tactics to begin exploring a selection of attributes common to design microprotests: temporality – which describes the way that speed, slowness, progress and incompletion are dealt with; and territorialisation – which describes the scale at which responsibility and impact is conceived (227). In each of three projects to which we apply these tactics, one of us had a role as a visual communicator. As such, the research is framed by the knowledge creating paradigm described by Jonas as “research through design”.We also draw on other conceptualisations of design activism, and the rich design literature that has emerged in recent times to challenge the colonial legacies of design studies (Schultz; Tristan et al.; Escobar). Some analyses of design activism already focus on the micro or the minor. For example, in their design of social change within organisations as an experimental and iterative process, Lensjkold, Olander and Hasse refer to Deleuze and Guattari’s minoritarian: “minor design activism is ‘a position in co-design engagements that strives to continuously maintain experimentation” (67). Like minor activism, design microprotests are linked to the continuous mobilisation of actors and networks in processes of collective experimentation. However microprotests do not necessarily focus on organisational change. Rather, they create new (and often tiny) spaces of protest within which new voices can be heard and different kinds of listening can be done.In the first of our three cases, we discuss a representation of transdisciplinary listening. This piece of visual communication is a design microprotest in itself. This section helps to frame what we mean by a safe space by paying attention to the listening mode of communication. In the next sections we explore temporality and territorialisation through the design microprotests Just Spaces which documents the collective imagining of safe places for LBPQ (Lesbian, Bisexual, Pansexual, and Queer) women and non-binary identities through a series of graphic objects and Conversation Piece, a book written, designed and published over three days as a proposition for a collective future. A Representation of Transdisciplinary ListeningThe design artefact we present in this section is a representation of listening and can be understood as a microprotest emerging from a collective experiment that materialises firstly as a visual document asking questions of the visual communication discipline and its role in a research collaboration and also as a mirror for the interdisciplinary team to reflexively develop transdisciplinary perspectives on the risks associated with the release of environmental flows in the upper reaches of Hawkesbury Nepean River in NSW, Australia. This research project was funded through a Challenge Grant Scheme to encourage transdisciplinarity within the University. The project team worked with the Hawkesbury Nepean Catchment Management Authority in response to the question: What are the risks to maximising the benefits expected from increased environmental flows? Listening and visual communication design practice are inescapably linked. Renown American graphic designer and activist Sheila de Bretteville describes a consciousness and a commitment to listening as an openness, rather than antagonism and argument. Fiumara describes listening as nascent or an emerging skill and points to listening as the antithesis of the Western culture of saying and expression.For a visual communication designer there is a very specific listening that can be described as visual hearing. This practice materialises the act of hearing through a visualisation of the information or knowledge that is shared. This act of visual hearing is a performative process tracing the actors’ perspectives. This tracing is used as content, which is then translated into a transcultural representation constituted by the designerly act of perceiving multiple perspectives. The interpretation contributes to a shared project of transdisciplinary understanding.This transrepresentation (Fig. 1) is a manifestation of a small interaction among a research team comprised of a water engineer, sustainable governance researcher, water resource management researcher, environmental economist and a designer. This visualisation is a materialisation of a structured conversation in response to the question What are the risks to maximising the benefits expected from increased environmental flows? It represents a small contribution that provides an opportunity for reflexivity and documents a moment in time in response to a significant challenge. In this translation of a conversation as a visual representation, a design microprotest is made against reduction, simplification, antagonism and argument. This may seem intangible, but as a protest through design, “it involves the development of artifacts that exist in real time and space, it is situated within everyday contexts and processes of social and economic life” (Julier 226). This representation locates conversation in a visual order that responds to particular categorisations of the political, the institutional, the socio-economic and the physical in a transdisciplinary process that focusses on multiple perspectives.Figure 1: Transrepresentation of responses by an interdisciplinary research team to the question: What are the risks to maximising the benefits expected from increased environmental flows in the Upper Hawkesbury Nepean River? (2006) Just Spaces: Translating Safe SpacesListening is the foundation of design microprotest. Just Spaces emerged out of a collaborative listening project It’s OK! An Anthology of LBPQ (Lesbian, Bisexual, Pansexual and Queer) Women’s and Non-Binary Identities’ Stories and Advice. By visually communicating the way a community practices supportive listening (both in a physical form as a book and as an online resource), It’s OK! opens conversations about how LBPQ women and non-binary identities can imagine and help facilitate safe spaces. These conversations led to thinking about the effects of breaches of safe spaces on young LBPQ women and non-binary identities. In her book The Cultural Politics of Emotion, Sara Ahmed presents Queer Feelings as a new way of thinking about Queer bodies and the way they use and impress upon space. She makes an argument for creating and imagining new ways of creating and navigating public and private spaces. As a design microprotest, Just Spaces opens up Queer ways of navigating space through a process Ahmed describes as “the ‘non-fitting’ or discomfort .... an opening up which can be difficult and exciting” (Ahmed 154). Just Spaces is a series of workshops, translated into a graphic design object, and presented at an exhibition in the stairwell of the library at the University of Technology Sydney. It protests the requirement of navigating heteronormative environments by suggesting ‘Queer’ ways of being in and designing in space. The work offers solutions, suggestions, and new ways of doing and making by offering design methods as tools of microprotest to its participants. For instance, Just Spaces provides a framework for sensitive translation, through the introduction of a structure that helps build personas based on the game Dungeons and Dragons (a game popular among certain LGBTQIA+ communities in Sydney). Figure 2: Exhibition: Just Spaces, held at UTS Library from 5 to 27 April 2018. By focussing the design process on deep listening and rendering voices into visual translations, these workshops responded to Linda Tuhiwai Smith’s idea of the “outsider within”, articulating the way research should be navigated in vulnerable groups that have a history of being exploited as part of research. Through reciprocity and generosity, trust was generated in the design process which included a shared dinner; opening up participant-controlled safe spaces.To open up and explore ideas of discomfort and safety, two workshops were designed to provide safe and sensitive spaces for the group of seven LBPQ participants and collaborators. Design methods such as drawing, group imagining and futuring using a central prototype as a prompt drew out discussions of safe spaces. The prototype itself was a small folded house (representative of shelter) printed with a number of questions, such as:Our spaces are often unsafe. We take that as a given. But where do these breaches of safety take place? How was your safe space breached in those spaces?The workshops resulted in tangible objects, made by the participants, but these could not be made public because of privacy implications. So the next step was to use visual communication design to create sensitive and honest visual translations of the conversations. The translations trace images from the participants’ words, sketches and notes. For example, handwritten notes are transcribed and reproduced with a font chosen by the designer based on the tone of the comment and by considering how design can retain the essence of person as well as their anonymity. The translations focus on the micro: the micro breaches of safety; the interactions that take place between participants and their environment; and the everyday denigrating experiences that LBPQ women and non-binary identities go through on an ongoing basis. This translation process requires precise skills, sensitivity, care and deep knowledge of context. These skills operate at the smallest of scales through minute observation and detailed work. This micro-ness translates to the potential for truthfulness and care within the community, as it establishes a precedent through the translations for others to use and adapt for their own communities.The production of the work for exhibition also occurred on a micro level, using a Risograph, a screenprinting photocopier often found in schools, community groups and activist spaces. The machine (ME9350) used for this project is collectively owned by a co-op of Sydney creatives called Rizzeria. Each translation was printed only five times on butter paper. Butter paper is a sensitive surface but difficult to work with making the process slow and painstaking and with a lot of care.All aspects of this process and project are small: the pieced-together translations made by assembling segments of conversations; zines that can be kept in a pocket and read intimately; the group of participants; and the workshop and exhibition spaces. These small spaces of safety and their translations make possible conversations but also enable other safe spaces that move and intervene as design microprotests. Figure 3: Piecing the translations together. Figure 4: Pulling the translation off the drum; this was done every print making the process slow and requiring gentleness. This project was and is about slowing down, listening and visually translating in order to generate and imagine safe spaces. In this slowness, as Julier describes “...the activist is working in a more open-ended way that goes beyond the materialization of the design” (229). It creates methods for listening and collaboratively generating ways to navigate spaces that are fraught with micro conflict. As an act of territorialisation, it created tiny and important spaces as a design microprotest. Conversation Piece: A Fast and Slow BookConversation Piece is an experiment in collective self-publishing. It was made over three days by Frontyard, an activist space in Marrickville, NSW, involved in community “futuring”. Futuring for Frontyard is intended to empower people with tools to imagine and enact preferred futures, in contrast to what design theorist Tony Fry describes as “defuturing”, the systematic destruction of possible futures by design. Materialised as a book, Conversation Piece is also an act of collective futuring. It is a carefully designed process for producing dialogues between unlikely parties using an image archive as a starting point. Conversation Piece was designed with the book sprint format as a starting point. Founded by software designer Adam Hyde, book sprints are a method of collectively generating a book in just a few days then publishing it. Book sprints are related to the programming sprints common in agile software development or Scrum, which are often used to make FLOSS (Free and Open Source Software) manuals. Frontyard had used these techniques in a previous project to develop the Non Cash Arts Asset Platform.Conversation Piece was also modeled on two participatory books made during sprints that focussed on articulating alternative futures. Collaborative Futures was made during Transmediale in 2009, and Futurish: Thinking Out Loud about Futures (2015).The design for Conversation Piece began when Frontyard was invited to participate in the Hobiennale in 2017, a free festival emerging from the “national climate of uncertainty within the arts, influenced by changes to the structure of major arts organisations and diminishing funding opportunities.” The Hobiennale was the first Biennale held in Hobart, Tasmania, but rather than producing a standard large art survey, it focussed on artist-run spaces and initiatives, emergant practices, and marginalised voices in the arts. Frontyard is not an artist collective and does not work for commissions. Rather, the response to the invitation was based on how much energy there was in the group to contribute to Hobiennale. At Frontyard one of the ways collective and individual energy is accounted for is using spoon theory, a disability metaphor used to describe the planning that many people have to do to conserve and ration energy reserves in their daily lives (Miserandino). As outlined in the glossary of Conversation Piece, spoon theory is:A way of accounting for our emotional or physical energy and therefore our ability to participate in activities. Spoon theory can be used to collaborate with care and avoid guilt and burn out. Usually spoon theory is applied at an individual level, but it can also be used by organisations. For example, Hobiennale had enough spoons to participate in the Hobiennale so we decided to give it a go. (180)To make to book, Frontyard invited visitors to Hobiennale to participate in a series of open conversations that began with the photographic archive of the organisation over the two years of its existence. During a prototyping session, Frontyard designed nine diagrams that propositioned ways to begin conversations by combining images in different ways. Figure 5: Diagram 9. Conversation Piece: p.32-33One of the purposes of the diagrams, and the book itself, was to bring attention to the micro dynamics of conversation over time, and to create a safe space to explore the implications of these. While the production process and the book itself is micro (ten copies were printed and immediately given away), the decisions made in regards to licensing (a creative commons license is used), distribution (via the Internet Archive) and content generation (through participatory design processes) the project’s commitment to open design processes (Van Abel, Evers, Klaassen and Troxler) mean its impact is unpredictable. Counter-logical to the conventional copyright of books, open design borrows its definition - and at times its technologies and here its methods - from open source software design, to advocate the production of design objects based on fluid and shared circulation of design information. The tension between the abundance produced by an open approach to making, and the attention to the detail of relationships produced by slowing down and scaling down communication processes is made apparent in Conversation Piece:We challenge ourselves at Frontyard to keep bureaucratic processes as minimal an open as possible. We don’t have an application or acquittal process: we prefer to meet people over a cup of tea. A conversation is a way to work through questions. (7)As well as focussing on the micro dynamics of conversations, this projects protests the authority of archives. It works to dismantle the hierarchies of art and publishing through the design of an open, transparent, participatory publishing process. It offers a range of propositions about alternative economies, the agency of people working together at small scales, and the many possible futures in the collective imaginaries of people rethinking time, outcomes, results and progress.The contributors to the book are those in conversation – a complex networks of actors that are relationally configured and themselves in constant change, so as Julier explains “the object is subject to constant transformations, either literally or in its meaning. The designer is working within this instability.” (230) This is true of all design, but in this design microprotest, Frontyard works within this instability in order to redirect it. The book functions as a series of propositions about temporality and territorialisation, and focussing on micro interventions rather than radical political movements. In one section, two Frontyard residents offer a story of migration that also serves as a recipe for purslane soup, a traditional Portuguese dish (Rodriguez and Brison). Another lifts all the images of hand gestures from the Frontyard digital image archive and represents them in a photo essay. Figure 6: Talking to Rocks. Conversation Piece: p.143ConclusionThis article is an invitation to momentarily suspend the framing of design activism as a global movement in order to slow down the analysis of design protests and start paying attention to the brief moments and small spaces of protest that energise social change in design practice. We offered three examples of design microprotests, opening with a representation of transdisciplinary listening in order to frame design as a way if interpreting and listening as well as generating and producing. The two following projects we describe are collective acts of translation: small, momentary conversations designed into graphic forms that can be shared, reproduced, analysed, and remixed. Such protests have their limitations. Beyond the artefacts, the outcomes generated by design microprotests are difficult to identify. While they push and pull at the temporality and territorialisation of design, they operate at a small scale. How design microprotests connect to global networks of protest is an important question yet to be explored. The design practices of transdisciplinary listening, Queer Feelings and translations, and collaborative book sprinting, identified in these design microprotests change the thoughts and feelings of those who participate in ways that are impossible to measure in real time, and sometimes cannot be measured at all. Yet these practices are important now, as they shift the way designers design, and the way others understand what is designed. By identifying the common attributes of design microprotests, we can begin to understand the way necessary political conversations emerge in design practice, for instance about safe spaces, transdisciplinarity, and archives. Taking a research through design approach these can be understood over time, rather than just in the moment, and in specific territories that belong to community. They can be reconfigured into different conversations that change our world for the better. References Ahmed, Sara. “Queer Feelings.” The Cultural Politics of Emotion. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2004. 143-167.Clarke, Alison J. "'Actions Speak Louder': Victor Papanek and the Legacy of Design Activism." Design and Culture 5.2 (2013): 151-168.De Bretteville, Sheila L. Design beyond Design: Critical Reflection and the Practice of Visual Communication. Ed. Jan van Toorn. Maastricht: Jan van Eyck Akademie Editions, 1998. 115-127.Evers, L., et al. Open Design Now: Why Design Cannot Remain Exclusive. Amsterdam: BIS Publishers, 2011.Escobar, Arturo. Designs for the Pluriverse: Radical Interdependence, Autonomy, and the Making of Worlds. Duke UP, 2018.Fiumara, G.C. The Other Side of Language: A Philosophy of Listening. London: Routledge, 1995.Fuad-Luke, Alastair. Design Activism: Beautiful Strangeness for a Sustainable World. London: Routledge, 2013.Frontyard Projects. 2018. Conversation Piece. Marrickville: Frontyard Projects. Fry, Tony. A New Design Philosophy: An Introduction to Defuturing. Sydney: UNSW P, 1999.Hanna, Julian, Alkan Chipperfield, Peter von Stackelberg, Trevor Haldenby, Nik Gaffney, Maja Kuzmanovic, Tim Boykett, Tina Auer, Marta Peirano, and Istvan Szakats. Futurish: Thinking Out Loud about Futures. Linz: Times Up, 2014. Irwin, Terry, Gideon Kossoff, and Cameron Tonkinwise. "Transition Design Provocation." Design Philosophy Papers 13.1 (2015): 3-11.Julier, Guy. "From Design Culture to Design Activism." Design and Culture 5.2 (2013): 215-236.Julier, Guy. "Introduction: Material Preference and Design Activism." Design and Culture 5.2 (2013): 145-150.Jonas, W. “Exploring the Swampy Ground.” Mapping Design Research. Eds. S. Grand and W. Jonas. Basel: Birkhauser, 2012. 11-41.Kagan, S. Art and Sustainability. Bielefeld: Transcript, 2011.Lenskjold, Tau Ulv, Sissel Olander, and Joachim Halse. “Minor Design Activism: Prompting Change from Within.” Design Issues 31.4 (2015): 67–78. doi:10.1162/DESI_a_00352.Max-Neef, M.A. "Foundations of Transdisciplinarity." Ecological Economics 53.53 (2005): 5-16.Miserandino, C. "The Spoon Theory." <http://www.butyoudontlooksick.com>.Nicolescu, B. "Methodology of Transdisciplinarity – Levels of Reality, Logic of the Included Middle and Complexity." Transdisciplinary Journal of Engineering and Science 1.1 (2010): 19-38.Palmer, C., J. Gothe, C. Mitchell, K. Sweetapple, S. McLaughlin, G. Hose, M. Lowe, H. Goodall, T. Green, D. Sharma, S. Fane, K. Brew, and P. Jones. “Finding Integration Pathways: Developing a Transdisciplinary (TD) Approach for the Upper Nepean Catchment.” Proceedings of the 5th Australian Stream Management Conference: Australian Rivers: Making a Difference. Thurgoona, NSW: Charles Sturt University, 2008.Rodriguez and Brison. "Purslane Soup." Conversation Piece. Eds. Frontyard Projects. Marrickville: Frontyard Projects, 2018. 34-41.Schultz, Tristan, et al. "What Is at Stake with Decolonizing Design? A Roundtable." Design and Culture 10.1 (2018): 81-101.Smith, Linda Tuhiwai. Decolonising Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. New York: ZED Books, 1998. Van Abel, Bas, et al. Open Design Now: Why Design Cannot Remain Exclusive. Bis Publishers, 2014.Wing Sue, Derald. Microaggressions in Everyday Life: Race, Gender, and Sexual Orientation. London: John Wiley & Sons, 2010. XV-XX.

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